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President Donald Trump’s administration’s outline for Middle
East peace is not risk-free, neither for Israel nor its neighbors. It doesn’t
fully satisfy any side. I am particularly concerned about the proposed handover
of large tracts of land in the Negev and about the fate of 15 isolated Jewish
towns in Judea and Samaria.
Nevertheless, the Trump plan should be embraced and swiftly
acted upon by Israel, for at least 15 reasons:
1. Because it transforms the Mideast peace paradigm. It
discards stale formulas based on maximalist Palestinian demands (the 1949
“Green” armistice lines, the “Clinton parameters,” the “Kerry outline,” UNSC
resolution 2334, etc.) in favor of historical truths and concrete realities.
2. Because it reverses the long-term deleterious peace
process dynamic whereby Israel always was expected to give land in exchange for
Palestinian promises. Instead, the Trump initiative sets in place a process
whereby Israel gets land (sovereignty now over 30% of Judea and Samaria, as a
start) and gives promises
(agreement-in-principle to a Palestinian state down the road).
3. Because it tells the Palestinians that time is not on
their side. The longer they reject peace with Israel the less independence they
might obtain. The plan for Palestinian statehood has an expiration date and a
mechanism for dialing-back its parameters if Palestinian leaders don’t live up
to basic obligations.
4. Because it recognizes a permanent eastern border for
Israel, based on historical Jewish settlement rights and Israeli security
needs. And Israel can declare these borders immediately, irrespective of
Palestinian approval or disapproval.
5. Because it breathes new life into all 150 Israeli towns
in Judea and Samaria. Settlements are no longer “obstacles to peace.” They will
no longer fall under Israeli military rule (in what was derogatorily called
“occupation”) but be brought into the bosom of the sovereign State of Israel.
And Israel will be free to build more homes in these towns without restriction.
No Israeli (or Palestinian) will be forced out of his home, ever, anywhere in
the Land of Israel. There will be no repeat of the Gush Katif expulsion
tragedy.
6. Because the plan insists that no home construction take
place over the next four years in 50% of what has been called “Area C” – land
that remains open to negotiation. This means Israel will have to counter pirate
Jewish settlement initiatives there, but also that Israel can finally act against
illegal Palestinian settlements being built in strategic areas with the brazen
support of the European Union.
7. Because the plan endorses permanent Israeli security
control of the entire West Bank envelope. This includes “security at all
international crossings” into a (possible, eventual) completely demilitarized
State of Palestine, and an Israeli right “to dismantle and destroy any facility
in the State of Palestine that is used for the production of prohibited weapons
or for other hostile purposes.” Essentially, this turns what was Area A
(purportedly under Palestinian security control) into Area B (under Israeli
security control) – although the plan doesn’t use these terms. In fact, the
Trump plan does away with these failed Oslo-era designations, completely
re-drawing the map of Judea and Samaria.
8. Because the plan adopts the principle advanced by Israel
of “transportation contiguity” in the West Bank. This means that roads (and
railroads, bridges and tunnels) will be built to connect Jewish towns to one
another and to connect Palestinian cities and towns to one another. This
undoubtedly creates a complicated patchwork for governance in Judea and
Samaria, but it is much preferable to the old and impossible demand for
“territorial contiguity” which would have meant tearing people out of their
homes. The modern infrastructure of roadways also will facilitate gainful
employment and economic advancement for all parties.
9. Because Jerusalem remains the undivided and united
capital of the State of Israel. The fact that a Palestinian state can claim an
“al-Quds” capital city in outlying neighborhoods of the city like Kafr Akab,
Abu Dis and eastern Shuafat does not detract from this.
10. Because the Trump plan calls for freedom of religious
worship for all faiths on the Temple Mount. This means that without upending
the status quo, in which Jordan is guardian of the Temple Mount under Israeli
security watch, Jews should incrementally be able to pray there too, I hope.
11. Because the plan treats Palestinians as responsible
adults, with no free pass regarding the type of state they might establish. The
US demands that a Palestinian government in Judea, Samaria and Gaza end its
payments to terrorists, disarm Hamas and other terrorist armies in its midst,
end its attempts to brand Israel a war criminal in international courts, end
the teaching of genocidal antisemitism in its schools and media, respect human
rights, religious freedoms, a free press and more. It must also recognize
Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people. These conditions for American
recognition of Palestinian statehood are hard-baked into the plan; and as
mentioned above, there is a stopwatch attached to these expectations.
12. Because the plan puts an end to Palestinian delusions of
refugee return in order to swamp and destroy Israel from within (what
Palestinians call their “right of return”). The refugee matter must be resolved
outside of Israel, the plan determines. (This accords with president George W.
Bush’s letter to prime minister Ariel Sharon in 2004). The plan holds out tens
of billions of dollars for dealing with this across the Middle East and for the
building of a robust Palestinian national economy in the West Bank.
13. Because the plan unleashes a regional dynamic whereby
Arab states can move toward open partnership with Israel on a wide range of
issues. The presence this week of three Arab ambassadors at the White House
unveiling event is testament to this, as is the moderately warm support for the
plan expressed by Saudi Arabia and Egypt. (Alas, this differs starkly from the
cold responses that came from Democratic congressmen, European leaders and
left-wing Jewish organizations).
14. Because the plan might nudge Palestinians, inshallah,
toward replacement of their rejectionist leadership with men and women who seek
peace and prosperity for their people, in partnership with Israel. Younger
Palestinians must know that the Palestinian national movement will be
marginalized in the Arab world and on the global agenda (and that aid budgets
to the PA will dry up) unless they come to the table with new leadership
willing to compromise.
15. Because the Trump plan’s parameters closely hew to the
broadest political consensus in Israel. It is a peace paradigm that makes
eminent sense to at least 75 percent of Israelis, in my estimation, and serves
as the basis for national unity (Likud and Blue and White) on a critical
foreign and defense policy issue.
Actually, it’s not too different from the Labor Party’s
Allon Plan of 50 years ago.
For all these reasons, Jerusalem should act with alacrity to
implement the Trump plan and reap its early rewards.
