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Sunday, February 18, 2024

Comment on Russia has died with Navalny


The world is going through a dark period. I posted the following comment two days ago on Sergey Radchenko’s article in The Spectator  Hope for Russia has died with Navalny


This is a black day for Russia and the West. Dictatorships sense when leaders of democracies are weak and take advantage of it. People living in democracies take their freedoms for granted and do not understand how totalitarian regimes function, and often underestimate the threat emanating from them. Nemtsov, Navalny and Kara-Murza had been warning for years about Putin but nobody listened. Of the three, only Kara-Murza is still alive, in prison.

Not since the 1930s do we have such a confluence of weak leaders in the West. It boggles the mind how Biden is still trying to appease Iran and just came up with a delusional plan of recognizing a Palestinian state in the near future just 4 1⁄3 months after Oct 7. Macron and Cameron are lecturing Israel how to protect Palestinian civilians whereas the IDF already has the best noncombatant to combatant death ratio (1.5: 1 in Gaza) of any army in history, whereas for US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq the ratio was 4 civilians killed for every combatant. Only Ukraine and Israel are seriously fighting totalitarian regimes.

How did it come about that Russia is back where it was 80 years ago during Stalin? Perhaps the best is to read Alexei Navalny’s own explanation:

My fear and loathing









Tuesday, January 16, 2024

I accuse, by Manuel Valls

 

Manuel Valls

Google translate from French  https://www.tribunejuive.info/2024/01/15/jaccuse-par-manuel-valls/ 

Source: https://www.lexpress.fr/idees-et-debats/guerre-israel-hamas-jaccuse-par-manuel-valls-ZMJHJJJRABE7BG2RZC54UDKMTI/

January 11, 2024, in The Hague.

The crowd is going wild. Palestinian keffiyeh hanging around the necks of the men present in the vast majority, the songs and the jumps make the flags dance above the heads galvanized by the idea of ​​a curious victory. A few meters away, the atmosphere is one of mourning. Israeli flags slowly come to life from the tired steps of their carrier. The faces are sad, many came accompanied by a photo of a hostage. It's been a time of pain since October 7.

The day before, Jean-Luc Mélenchon was delighted on X to be invited to this event. In what capacity, one wonders, but he will be “present for peace”, in the camp of the celebration of what for some is the trial of the century. It is a “choice” according to him “which challenges the law of the strongest, the most armed or the injunctions of murderous theories such as that of the “clash of civilizations” or “the war of good against evil”. » A political choice, in short.

Between the walls facing the demonstrators stands the International Court of Justice where South Africa has indicted Israel for genocide against the Palestinians of Gaza, part of a “Continuous Nakba for 75 years”. Grotesque initiative of this government of the African National Congress, eaten away by corruption, which seeks to divert attention while the country experiences 30% unemployment and faces, each year, 30,000 assassinations and 40,000 rapes...

If political indecency has raged in all countries of the world in recent months, it finally finds its peak in the main judicial organ of the United Nations. The trial of the century, they said, or the Dreyfus affair of our time. “Since they dared, I will dare too. " 126 years later, it's my turn to tell the whole truth.

The truth first about the trial and the false accusations made against Israel.

Because the South African pleading is distressing. Edited around videos found on social networks and shocking sentences published in the press and on the web, the lawyers follow one another to assert a single message: in the bombings of the Gaza Strip, Israel's sole objective is to to destroy the “subgroup” of Palestinians in Gaza.

A particularly attractive idea for anti-Zionists who dream of Israel as the great tyrant of the Middle East, but what about the 1,200 people murdered in the wildest hatred, dismembered, raped, decapitated, burned? What about the more than 7,500 injured and the 139 hostages including 19 bodies removed during the massacre of October 7, 2023, not counting the 110 released and traumatized for the rest of their lives? What about the 500,000 displaced within Israeli borders? What also about the incessant salvos of rockets unleashed by Hamas? What about common sense and self-defense?

The myth of a country thirsty for Palestinian blood fueled by South African accusations is a brazen lie. The accusations of genocide also seem very weak in the face of the only democratic state in the Middle East. It would be a disgrace to recall the considerable efforts made by Israel to protect civilians from this war, despite the trouble Hamas goes to to shield them. It would be disgraceful to recall that for a State which wishes the disappearance of Palestinians from Gaza, treating Gazan children and terrorists in Israeli hospitals would be counterproductive. It would be disgraceful to point out that a genocidal state would probably not welcome tens of thousands of Palestinians from Gaza and the West Bank to work with the end goal of creating the conditions that could lead to their demise. And in the face of this, it would be disgraceful for a third country to persist in condemning Israel of genocidal acts.

Then the truth about a political class steeped in anti-Jewish hatred guided by an insatiable electoral thirst.

For part of the European and international political class, none of all the abominations committed by Hamas on the Gazan population and the Israelis in particular on October 7, 2023 was enough. With Jean-Luc Mélenchon and Jeremy Corbyn at the head, and also major guests of the Hague trial at the ICJ, without us understanding in what capacity, neither the hijackings, nor the hostage-taking, nor the murders, nor beheadings, nor dismemberments, nor rapes, are sufficient to qualify Hamas as a terrorist movement. One more indignity which adds to the long respective lists of the two former elected officials of defamatory, anti-Semitic and hateful remarks. A real disaster for the French and British leftists who no longer retain any credit for the defense of humanist and universal values. Their Manichean vision of power and minorities deprives them of all lucidity, finding legitimacy in barbarism, and making them complicit in acts and crimes which should shake their most deeply held convictions, if any remain. This nauseating left has agreed to sell its weak convictions for the benefit of the supposed new proletariat that they set out to conquer: the great mass of immigration and Muslims and to hell with the defense of the popular classes and workers who no longer make enough victims to still be attractive.

The truth finally about this “war of good against evil”

“Martyrdom is undoubtedly the greatest secret of our success. Your adversary [always] seeks to kill you, except if it is not serious for you to lose your life, [if] what matters is to achieve your goal, he loses all control over you.” It is on these words of Naïm Qassem, number 2 of Hezbollah revealed in a documentary series on France 2, that this war crystallizes, not of good against evil, but this war of value. From Hamas to Hezbollah, from Daesh to all contemporary Islamist terrorist groups, the objective is the same: to destroy the West and wage a global jihad. The urgency, for Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and behind them Iran, is to put an end to the "Zionist entity" which they also call the "little Satan", and above all to overcome the American threat (“the great Satan”).

Understanding what is happening today in the Middle East means understanding the challenges we will have to overcome tomorrow. The barbarity that was expressed and the inhumanity of the actions of October 7 gave us all a lesson about the enemies, the Islamists, terrorism, which Israelis have to fight. Ours in France and in Europe have not been and are not very different.

In this war of life against death, it is neither the Israeli bombings nor the words of the leaders that are genocidal, but rather the very existence of the State of Israel as a genocide in itself. For too long, the Palestinian flag has not been raised in pain to mourn the loss of civilians. No, for too long the Palestinian flag has been brandished with fierce rage as the political symbol of a war waged today against Jews and Israel, and tomorrow against democracies and the West. It is this visceral hatred of the values ​​that Jews and Israel embody that unites terrorists, sovereign states and political leaders without any other apparent coherence. This “war of good against evil” that Jean-Luc Mélenchon calls is none other than a war of values ​​between two worlds, a tireless repetition of history, and the precipitous fall into an era that we would have liked to forget.

For the reasons given, I accuse Hamas terrorists of genocidal acts against the Palestinian population in Gaza and specifically of murder and torture of homosexuals and political opponents; serious attacks on the physical and mental integrity of Gazans by using the population, women and children, as human shields as well as schools, universities, hospitals and ambulances for terrorist purposes; intentional submission of Gazans to conditions of existence leading to its partial destruction by diverting international aid for the benefit of the development of weapons and the financing of terrorism, by confiscating humanitarian aid from civilians and holding the population hostage despite the Israeli bombing announcements; measures aimed at hindering births by depriving Palestinian women in Gaza of quality care in hospitals widely used as weapons warehouses.

I accuse Hamas of incessant attacks aimed at threatening Israeli territorial security and of war crimes and hostage-taking that led the State of Israel to initiate a military response in self-defense. I accuse Hamas of being solely responsible for the dramatic situation in Gaza for the Palestinians since its takeover in the strip, and for the war waged there by Israel.

I accuse Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis and Iran of making genocidal remarks against the Jewish community, Israel, the United States and Western nations.

I accuse South Africa and their supporters of bringing the voice of Hamas and their propaganda to the highest authorities in the world. I accuse them of guilty silence when it was necessary to condemn Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen, Sudan, Iraq and Iran for genocide against their populations and war crimes. I accuse South Africa and their supporters of failing in their duty to prevent and punish genocidal remarks made directly and publicly against Israel. I accuse South Africa and their supporters of ignoring the massacres of October 7, which they do not consider as part of the Israeli response. I accuse South Africa and its supporters, for the reasons set out above, of bringing to the International Court of Justice an unfounded and politically motivated complaint by a rejection of the right of the State of Israel to exist and to enjoy assertive territorial security.

I accuse Jean-Luc Mélenchon and Jeremy Corbyn of acting as political relays for the anti-Zionism carried by Hamas by refusing to recognize the organization as terrorist and by attributing resistance activities to it.

I accuse the UN of lacking impartiality towards Israel, targeted by 17 resolutions in 2020 compared to 7 for the rest of the world (including one against Iran and one against Syria). I accuse the UN of incomprehensible blindness until January 8, 2024 on the rapes and sexual mutilation carried out on October 7, 2023 in Israel. I accuse the UN of a lack of distance from the information provided by Hamas concerning the deaths and attacks attributed to Israelis. The pitiful response given by the UN to Hamas's misleading information on Al-Shifa Hospital should have alerted us. I accuse UNRWA of complicity with Hamas terrorists to the detriment of the civilian population. I condemn in the strongest terms the misappropriation of European and international funds by Hamas to finance anti-Semitic school books, weapons and war infrastructure, and the terrorist group's food rationing.

More than 100 days after the greatest pogrom that Israel has known and the attempted genocide that it had to combat, I condemn the unworthy summons of Israel to answer to accusations of genocidal acts and provide my support for democracy Israeli in this unbearable political war of which it is the target. I join the Israelis who mourn their dead and share their terror of knowing that at a time when Israel is being tried for genocide, 120 Israelis are still hostages of terrorist groups in the Gaza Strip, and victims of the abuses of which we know they are capable.

I expect from France the same commitment as Germany alongside the Israelis, a total and clear commitment, and an unequivocal condemnation of South Africa's initiative.

Manuel Valls served as Prime Minister of France (2014–2016)


Sunday, January 14, 2024

South Africa-Israel ICJ case | Israeli ministry of justice: Dr. Galit Raguan

 

ICJ transcript 


Ms RAGUAN: FACTS ON THE GROUND


Madam President, Members of the Court, it is an honour to appear before you on behalf of the State of Israel. As Professor Shaw noted, at this stage, South Africa does not need to prove that genocidal acts have been or are being committed. But it does have to show that the Genocide Convention is actually relevant.It has to show some level of acts and some level of intent. Professor Shaw has spoken to the issue of express intent. It is my task to speak to the circumstances of Israel’s actions. 


Israel cannot possibly comprehensively address today all of the allegations made in South Africa’s Application in this regard. The Applicant paints a dire picture. But it is a partial and deeply flawed picture. The Application is so distorted in its descriptions that it prevents the Court from properly assessing the plausibility of the rights asserted by South Africa. Plausibility cannot be determined based on the unsubstantiated allegations of one party to the proceedings alone, if Article 41 of the Court’s Statute is to have any meaning. In the time available, I will address three aspects of reality on the ground that the Applicant has either ignored or misrepresented.


First, Hamas’ military tactics and strategy. Second, Israel’s efforts to mitigate civilian harm during operational activity. And third, Israel’s efforts to address humanitarian hardship in Gaza, despite Hamas’ attempts at obstruction. 


With respect to Hamas’ military tactics and strategy, it is astounding that in yesterday’s hearing, Hamas was mentioned only in passing, and only in reference to the 7 October massacre in Israel. Listening to the presentation by the Applicant, it was as if Israel is operating in Gaza against no armed adversary. But the same Hamas that carried out the 7 October attacks in Israel is the governing authority in Gaza. And the same Hamas has built a military strategy founded on embedding its assets and operatives in and amongst the civilian population. 


Urban warfare will always result in tragic deaths, harm and damage. But in Gaza, these undesired outcomes are exacerbated because they are the desired outcomes of Hamas. In urban warfare, civilian casualties may be the unintended, but lawful, result of attacks on lawful military objectives. International humanitarian law recognizes this reality and provides a framework for balancing military necessity with humanitarian considerations. These do not constitute genocidal acts. 


 In the current conflict, many civilian deaths are directly caused by Hamas. Booby-trapped homes detonate and kill indiscriminately. Mines in alleyways collapse structures around them. And over 2,000 rockets misfired by Hamas have landed inside Gaza, causing untold levels of harm. One telling example is a blast at the Al Ahli Hospital on 17 October. Hamas claimed that the IDF attacked the hospital; headlines around the world rushed to repeat this claim. The IDF later proved, and United States intelligence and other national security intelligence agencies independently confirmed, that the blast was the result of a failed rocket launch from within Gaza. It was not, as Hamas claimed, the fault of the IDF.


Damage to civilian structures is another fact claimed by South Africa as evidence of genocide. But South Africa does not consider the sheer extent to which Hamas uses ostensibly civilian structures for military purposes. Houses, schools, mosques, United Nations facilities and shelters are all abused for military purposes by Hamas, including as rocket launching sites. Hundreds of kilometres of tunnels dug by Hamas under populated areas in Gaza often cause structures above to collapse. 


In the slides before you, you can see a militant priming projectiles for launch on IDF forces in Gaza. You can see the holes in the residential house to hide and launch them. Here you can see projectiles discovered underneath a bed in a child’s bedroom. Here, a rocket being fired from a school. The launch site is circled in red.. Here you can see militants firing from a United Nations school. You can see letters “UN” on the roof and the fire is circled in red. Here, long-range rocket launchers hidden inside a Scouts club building. Finally you can see part of a tunnel that runs for four kilometres, including nearby the Erez Crossing, which is adjacent to Israel. 


Gaza’s infrastructure has certainly been harmed during the conflict. However, South Africa would have the Court believe that Israel is deliberately and unlawfully destroying homes without cause. But harm caused to lawful military objectives, and harm caused as a result of Hamas’ actions, is not evidence of genocide. 


South Africa also alleges that Israel has waged an assault on Gaza’s health system. What South Africa has neglected to bring before the Court, however, is the overwhelming evidence of Hamas’ military use of such hospitals.


Hamas militants retreated to Rantissi Hospital in Gaza on 7 October with hostages from Israel, whom they then held in the basement. 21. In the slide before you, you will see a militant going into Quds Hospital with an RPG. Hamas fired at IDF forces from near, and from within, Quds Hospital. At Shifa Hospital, Gaza’s largest, Hamas managed operations from a closed-off area. Here you can see an opening to the tunnel that ran for hundreds of metres directly under the hospital. Here, you can see the weapons found in different wings of the hospital. Here, CCTV footage showing armed militants bringing hostages into the hospital’s lobby.. More than 80 militants hiding inside another hospital, the Adwan Hospital, surrendered themselves to the IDF. Here you can see a weapon that IDF forces discovered hidden inside incubators at the hospital. The director of the hospital has admitted that numerous members of hospital staff belong to Hamas’ military wing. In the Indonesian hospital in the neighbourhood of Jabalya, Hamas forces managed their operations from that hospital until the IDF reached it. IDF forces recovered the bodies of five murdered hostages from a tunnel dug underneath the hospital. 



The list goes on. In every single hospital that the IDF has searched in Gaza, it has found evidence of Hamas military use. Israel is acutely aware that because of Hamas’ use of hospitals as shields for its military operations, in grave violations of international humanitarian law, patients and staff are at risk. This is why the IDF has reached out to every hospital and offered assistance in relocating patients and staff to safer areas. Hospitals have not been bombed; rather, the IDF sends soldiers to search and dismantle military infrastructure, reducing damage and disruption. Indeed, the tunnel that sat directly under the main building in Shifa Hospital was exploded without damaging the building above. The IDF then withdrew from the hospital. Yes  damage and harm have occurred, as a result of hostilities in hospitals’ vicinity; sometimes by IDF fire, sometimes by Hamas. But always as a direct result of Hamas’ abhorrent method of warfare.


Israel has published plenty of evidence of the extensive misuse by Hamas of medical facilities in direct violations of international humanitarian law. It has brought journalists to see first-hand. It has recorded calls with hospital staff to co-ordinate assistance. None of that is mentioned in the Application. In fact, the Applicant describes the result and asks the Court to attribute malicious intent to Israel. But that is only a possible conclusion if one obscures, as the Applicant has, Hamas’ strategy of turning hospitals into terrorist compounds. The Applicant also made much of the fact that force has been even used in humanitarian zones. What the Applicant neglected to inform the Court, however, was that Hamas has  in its contempt for Palestinian civil life  regularly and deliberately fired from such zones, turning areas of relief into zones of conflict.


Here, before you, you can see one example of a launch site adjacent to the humanitarian zone, both amplified in larger pictures. 36. And in the next slide you can see evidence of a rocket launched from next to Gaza’s water desalination facility. 


I now would like to address briefly the second issue: Israel’s efforts at mitigation of civilian harm. 


Here, too, the Applicant tells not just a partial story, but a false one. For example, the Application presents Israel’s call to civilians to evacuate areas of intensive hostilities “as an act calculated to bring about its physical destruction”. This is a particularly egregious allegation that is completely disconnected from the governing legal framework of international humanitarian law. Evacuation of civilians is recognized under international humanitarian law as one of the measures that may be implemented to protect civilians from the effects of ongoing hostilities. Indeed, such evacuation may even amount to a duty that the party to the conflict has toward civilians.While temporary evacuation undoubtedly involves hardship and suffering, it is preferable to remaining in areas of intensive hostilities, all the more so when one party makes a concerted effort to use those civilians as shields. 


The IDF maintains a Civilian Harm Mitigation Unit to undertake this task. It works full-time to provide advance notice of areas in which the IDF intends to intensify its activities, co-ordinate travel routes for civilians and secure these routes. This unit has developed a detailed map so that specific areas can be temporarily evacuated, instead of evacuating entire areas. On the slide before you, you can see that map, divided into areas, as well as a screenshot of a video explaining the system in Arabic so civilians may understand it. The IDF also enacts localized pauses in its operations to allow civilians to move. It does this even though Hamas does not agree to do the same and has even attacked IDF forces securing humanitarian corridors. 


The PRESIDENT: Excuse me. I have a request from the interpreters that you slow down the pace of your speaking. Could you please do that? Thank you.


Ms RAGUAN: Of course. Yesterday, South Africa stated that the IDF gave 24 hours’ notice to civilians in northern Gaza to evacuate. In fact, the IDF urged civilians to evacuate to southern Gaza for over three weeks before it started its ground operation. Three weeks that provided Hamas with advance knowledge of where and when the IDF would be operating. This three-week period for temporary evacuation is a matter of common knowledge. And the Applicant’s misrepresentation of this fact is, at best, an unfamiliarity with the events and, at worst, a desire to tailor its story to a pre-existing narrative. 


The IDF employs a range of additional measures in accordance with the obligation to take precautionary measures under international humanitarian law. For example, it provides effective advance warnings of attacks where circumstances permit. To date, the IDF has dropped millions of leaflets over areas of expected attacks with instructions to evacuate and how to do so, broadcast countless messages over radio and through social media warning civilians to distance themselves from Hamas operations, and made over 70,000 individual phone calls, including to occupants of the targets, warning them of impending attacks. This requires time. It requires resources and intelligence — and the IDF invests all of these to save civilian lives. 


Here you can see the IDF’s Arabic Twitter account, providing information for civilians to evacuate specific areas, including the location of shelters nearby. Yet the Applicant astonishingly claims that these efforts are in themselves genocidal. In other words, a measure intended to mitigate harm to the civilian population, sometimes exceeding the requirements of international humanitarian law, is proof — according to the Applicant —of Israel’s intent to commit genocide, when in fact, it proves the exact opposite. 


My third topic, with respect to the humanitarian situation. Much attention was given by South Africa to this situation. Despite Israel’s efforts to mitigate harm, there is no question that many civilians in Gaza are suffering as a result of the war that Hamas began.While Israel is seeking to minimize civilian harm, Hamas is doing everything in its power to use the civilian population and civilian infrastructure for its own protection, thwarting humanitarian efforts aimed at alleviating the distress of the civilian population. Further illustration on Hamas’ tactics and Israel’s efforts can be found in tabs 4 and 9 of the volume provided to the Court.


I now turn to describe just some of the humanitarian co-ordination efforts that Israel has been engaged in and Mr Sender will further expand on this. Israel maintains a dedicated military unit, called COGAT, responsible for routine co-ordination with international organizations in Gaza with respect to various humanitarian aspects. It is COGAT that mans and operates the crossings between Israel and Gaza. This includes the Erez Crossing, through which prior to 7 October, almost 20,000 Gazans passed through into Israel daily for work. 


South Africa showed a map yesterday, with the Erez Crossing marked “closed”. What it failed to note is that the crossing was attacked on 7 October by Hamas, which murdered and kidnapped COGAT staff and caused significant damage. Here you can see some of that damage. Nevertheless, COGAT works around the clock to fulfil its role. Its large professional staff run numerous initiatives, of which I will only mention a few.


 First, COGAT manages a mechanism by which it maintains an up-to-date picture of the needs in Gaza. It does this with the United Nations, other international organizations and States, whose representatives sit in COGAT’s offices. COGAT uses this monitoring to help donor States and organizations prioritize their aid efforts to fit the evolving situation on the ground. 56. 


Second, COGAT facilitates the entry of aid into Gaza. Israel has publicly stated repeatedly that there is no limit on the amount of food, water, shelter or medical supplies that can be brought into Gaza. To increase capacity, COGAT has re-opened the Kerem Shalom crossing, as acknowledged by the Security Council in resolution 2720, despite Hamas putting it under fire. Israel has offered to extend operating hours at the crossing if there is a capacity to receive the goods by international organizations on the Gazan side. 


Third, COGAT works to reinforce and strengthen medical services. COGAT has facilitated the huge logistical challenge of establishing four field hospitals in Gaza, and more are being set up, and two floating hospitals. It has facilitated the entry of new ambulances into Gaza. And Israel has even co-ordinated airdrops of aid over Gaza by Jordan, co-ordinating these flights with the Israel Air Force operating in Gaza. 


This, of course, is not to say that nothing more can be done, or that there are no challenges to the humanitarian situation in Gaza. Such challenges exist and change according to the evolving circumstances of the conflict. But it is to say that the charge of genocide, in the face of these extensive efforts, is frankly untenable.


It is an inconvenient truth for the Applicant’s case, but one of the most significant challenges is the fact that Hamas commandeers consignments into Gaza and controls their distribution. Gazan residents have reported that Hamas is regularly stealing aid, at the expense of its own population, for the benefit of its fighters. This is a tweet stating that fuel and medical equipment was stolen by purported Hamas members from an UNRWA warehouse. UNRWA later deleted the tweet, perhaps under pressure from the authorities.Here you can see Hamas commandeering an aid truck. And here is another example. Because Hamas for years has used aid consignments to smuggle weapons, security checks of all goods going into Gaza are required, as acknowledged by international humanitarian law. Hamas has time and again hoarded fuel, including during the current conflict, which it uses for military purposes, to sustain ventilation in its expansive underground tunnel network, and for its continued attacks against Israel. 


Nevertheless, in co-ordination with the United Nations, Israel enables fuel to enter Gaza to service essential infrastructure, such as sewage treatment, desalination plants, water pumps and hospitals, and cellular infrastructure for maintaining communication. Israel remains committed to helping international organizations and States involved in the aid effort to overcome these hurdles, and consistently increase the amount of aid and services available to the population in Gaza, as will be further described by Mr Sender.


Here, a picture of incubators the IDF provided to Shifa hospital. Here, a picture of an ambulance convoy co-ordinated by COGAT. A picture of consignments.  A picture of ambulances, the entry of which was co-ordinated by COGAT. And finally, more consignments waiting to enter Gaza. 


 Madam President, Members of the Court, in the time allotted I have been able to describe only some of Israel’s efforts to mitigate civilian harm and to address the humanitarian situation in Gaza. But even this mere fraction is enough to demonstrate how tendentious and partial the Applicant’s presentations of these facts are, and certainly enough to conclude that the allegation of intent to commit genocide is baseless. 


If Israel had such intent, would it delay a ground manoeuvre for weeks, urging civilians to seek safer space and, in doing so, sacrificing operational advantage? Would it invest massive resources to provide civilians with details about where to go, when to go, how to go, to leave areas of fighting? Would it maintain a dedicated unit, staffed with experts, whose sole role is to facilitate aid? And who continued to do so, despite having their staff killed and kidnapped? 


When a population is ruled by a terrorist organization that cares more about wiping out its neighbour than about protecting its own civilians, there are acute challenges in protecting the civilian population. Those challenges are exacerbated by the dynamic and evolving nature of intense  hostilities in an urban area, where the enemy exploits hospitals, shelters and critical infrastructure. Would Israel work continuously with international organizations and States, even reaching out to them on its own initiative, to find solutions to these challenges if it were seeking to destroy the population? Israel’s efforts to mitigate the ravages of this war on civilians are the very opposite of intent to destroy them. Under these circumstances, far from being the only inference that could reasonably be drawn from Israel’s pattern of conduct, intent to commit genocide is not even a plausible inference. 


Madam President, Members of the Court, that concludes my statement. I thank you for your kind attention and I ask that you now invite Mr Sender to the podium.

Friday, December 29, 2023

Paralysis of will. What happened to the West

 It is not ready to fully support Ukraine in the war with Russia, and Israel in the war with Hamas terrorists. This has already happened in the history of the West - on the eve of World War II


DATE                           AUTHOR

25 DEC. 2023              YURI FEDOROV 


Yuri Fedorov

Google translate from https://istories.media/opinions/2023/12/25/paralich-voli/ 


The Armed forces of Ukraine offensive ended in failure - also because the USA and Ukraine's European allies did not deploy weapons in time. The United States has delayed the adoption of decisions on the supply of Abrams tanks, ATACMS missiles, combat aircraft to Ukraine, and the quantity of these weapons, transferred or planned to be transferred to Ukraine, is minimal. There are persistent rumors that the leaders of a number of Western countries are suggesting to Kiev the need for a compromise with Moscow, an exchange of territories for peace, although there is no reason to believe that Russia will agree to any compromise solution to the conflict. A possible victory of Donald Trump in the presidential elections in the USA may turn out to be the end of American aid to Ukraine, as well as the weakening of NATO. Only one country — member of the EU, Hungary, blocks the allocation of vitally necessary funds to Ukraine, and the European giants cannot or do not want to put Budapest in its place.


The matter is not limited to Ukraine. The Global South, which is sometimes called the "world majority" and "non-Western civilizations", demands from Israel to cease fire in Gaza, which will lead to the salvation of Hamas terrorists, and the Western ruling circles persistently make Israel understand that these demands should be listened to. Demonstrations in support of Palestinian terrorists are taking place in European capitals, gathering hundreds of thousands of people. Some leading Western media principally avoid calling terrorists terrorists, inventing various euphemisms. It seems that the West is not ready to use its huge economic, technological and military resources to protect its values. It has suffered the paralysis of the will.


Clash of civilizations or the end of history?


The origins of this paralysis of will go back to the early 1990s. Immediately after the collapse of Soviet communism and the Soviet empire, the Western intellectual and political community was faced with the question: what would the new world system be like? There were essentially two answers.


One was given by the prominent American political scientist Samuel Huntington, who wrote several works under the same title, “The Clash of Civilizations.” The post-Cold War world, Huntington argued, would be a field of confrontation among civilizations—transstate communities united by a common history, culture, traditions, and religion. Huntington called radical Islam the main threat to the Judeo-Christian civilization of the West. Without going into the details of this theory, it is important to emphasize Huntington’s main conclusion: the coming era will be a period of acute conflicts and wars, but not ideological ones, as was the case during the Cold War, but civilizational ones, and the West must be ready for this both politically and in military terms.


However, in the early 1990s, a different system of views, which was originally formulated by Huntington's student, Francis Fukuyama, under the name “end of history,” came to dominate Western political discourse and strategic thinking. After the victory of the West in the Cold War and the discrediting of communism as an ideology and political system, supporters of this concept argued, liberal democracy and the market economy had finally won, the West no longer had existential enemies, and therefore it was possible and necessary to focus on the global spread and establishment of the Western model.


From this flowed a strategic doctrine, which assumed, among other things, that Russia was entering the community of developed democratic states, and the main threat not only to the West, but also to the globalizing international community were the rudiments of the outgoing system. Russia needs to be involved in common efforts with the West, attracted to the fight against terrorism, accelerating its inclusion in the Judeo-Christian civilization. The assumption, even a purely hypothetical one, about the possibility of a major war in Europe was considered at best a relic of the Cold War. Accordingly, European states minimized their armed forces and defense spending, and the military development of the United States was focused on local, mainly anti-terrorist wars in the global South and on confrontation with China. The latter, which was quickly turning into an economic giant with obvious expansionist aspirations, did not fit into the idea of ​​the triumph of Western civilization.


However, de-ideologization and a market economy, supporters of the “end of history” believed, would inevitably lead to the democratization of China’s political regime and its inclusion in a single world economic and political system. Until this happens, it is necessary to have a military capability capable of containing Chinese geopolitical ambitions.


In the 1990s, it seemed that the “end of history” was indeed approaching. But already in the first decade of the 21st century it became clear that nothing similar was happening. The shocking failure of a strategy based on this concept was the failed attempt to force democratic order in Iraq and Afghanistan. China has challenged the collective West, increasingly assertively strengthening its position in the global South. The semi-market, semi-state economy does not lead to democratization of the Chinese political regime, and impressive economic growth increases foreign policy ambitions, fraught with a military clash with the United States over Taiwan.


The inconsistency of the idea of ​​the “end of history”, the steadily approaching triumph of liberal democracy, is obvious, but the West does not yet have another strategic concept. There is no obvious appeal to the logic of a “clash of civilizations.” This is hampered, firstly, by the inertia of thinking, the inability of the majority of the Western intellectual community to admit the bankruptcy of their views. And secondly, the unpreparedness of the ruling elites for profound changes in economic and military policy, for the mobilization of forces and means necessary to protect civilization. This, in fact, is the essence of paralysis of the will.


What to do with Russia?


The most dangerous manifestation of paralysis of will is the lack of an effective strategy for countering Russian military-political expansion by the United States and a group of leading European states. For a long time, from the early 1990s until February 24, 2022, their policy was based on the belief that after the collapse of communism, Russia had ceased to be an enemy of the West and was gradually moving closer to it; that it is possible and necessary to negotiate with Moscow; that the bursts of aggression that erupted from time to time, such as the attack on Georgia and the annexation of Crimea, were nothing more than unprincipled deviations from the main trend of Russian political evolution, which, moreover, can, at least partially, be explained by the mistakes of the West, which did not take into account Russia’s security interests , as well as the overload of Russian political thinking with stereotypes inherited from the past.

 

The unprovoked aggression against Ukraine and the ultimatum put forward on the eve of it for the United States and NATO to withdraw not only from the former USSR, but also from Central and Eastern Europe forced Western elites to more realistically assess both Russia and their own policies towards it. The formula about Russia as the main threat to European and international security appeared in NATO policy documents and in statements by leading Western leaders. There is a growing understanding in political and military circles in the United States and many European countries that if Ukraine is defeated, NATO will have to fight Russia.


However, while saying A, the West is not saying B—at least not yet. It seems that in many capitals of the states of the collective West the dominant idea is that neither Ukraine nor Russia can be allowed to fail. In other words, Russia needs to be preserved as a full-fledged subject of the world and especially the European system in the hope that over time, most likely after Putin’s departure, circles and individuals capable of moderating the aggressiveness of foreign policy will come to power. As a result, the political will of the West in this direction is, if not paralyzed, then significantly weakened. 


The lack of political will and determination among the leading Western states to use all their resources to defeat Russia, among other things, is explained by a lack of understanding of the underlying motives of Russian policy. Of course, we cannot exclude the possibility that Putin’s heirs will pursue a more cautious policy on the world stage for some time. However, history shows that each time after the thaw Moscow fell into a state of aggression. For centuries, the alpha and omega of the foreign policy of the Moscow Principality and the Moscow Kingdom, the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union was expansion, and the means of its implementation was military force. Historical experience was fixed in the consciousness of the Russian nation: the annexation of new lands and the expansion of the empire became its goal and raison d'être.


From the Nile to the Neva, from the Elbe to China,

From the Volga to the Euphrates, from the Ganges to the Danube...

This is the Russian kingdom... And it will never pass away,

Somehow the Spirit foresaw and Daniel predicted.


This is how Fyodor Tyutchev, an extraordinary poet and mediocre diplomat, formulated the foreign policy ambitions of the Russian state and society. The dream of borders along the Elbe, Danube, Euphrates and Ganges still haunts the minds of the Russian ruling class. By invading Ukraine and blackmailing the West with nuclear war, Putin only once again tried to realize the “previsions of the Spirit.” Therefore, if Russia is not defeated, a repetition of aggression is inevitable.


The Collective West and the Global South


The Hamas attack on Israel and subsequent events once again demonstrated that attempts to find some kind of agreement with radical terrorist forces, to involve them in mutually beneficial relations, and with the help of concessions to push them to renounce aggression, are untenable. At the same time, the Hamas invasion and its atrocities against the Israeli population made the destruction of this and other terrorist organizations in the Middle East, and the radical weakening of their main sponsor and inspirer, Iran, justified not only politically, but also legally and morally. However, the leading countries of the collective West have once again taken a half-hearted position: supporting Israel and recognizing its right to defense, they are simultaneously persuading it to reduce the intensity of hostilities, succumbing to pressure from the global South and anti-Israeli, and in fact, anti-Semitic radical left forces in the Western world.


Leaving aside the question of where the line between terrorists and peaceful Palestinian Arabs lies, let us dwell on the logic of the Western position. It is simple: by preventing Israel from completely defeating Hamas, a significant part of the ruling circles of the West is trying to avoid complications with the global South. The state of affairs is truly discouraging: the collective West is giving in to a loose conglomerate of countries that, with the exception of China, are dependent on it and are unable to compete with it either in terms of the level and quality of life, or in technological and military potential.


Is everything hopeless?


In the twentieth century, the West several times faced challenges that could question its existence, but each time it was able to mobilize forces and neutralize them. In the late 1930s, Britain and France resisted the temptation to accept Nazi expansion, abandoned the Munich policy, and entered the war with Hitler's Germany. In December 1941, overcoming mass isolationist sentiments, the United States entered the war. In the second half of the 1940s and early 1950s, the West built a system of defense against Soviet expansion and prevented the threat from communist parties that undermined its position from within. The list goes on. Another thing is important: each time it had to overcome the paralysis of will.


There are signs that this paralysis will be overcome and today the ruling elites of the Western world are beginning to at least understand the scale of the Russian threat. Influential American and European media and think tanks are publishing very alarming materials about the dangerous consequences of Ukraine’s defeat for Europe. Practical discussions have begun on ways to confiscate Russian assets - about $300 billion - to transfer them to Ukraine, which could compensate for the withdrawal of Western aid as a result of domestic political squabbles in the United States and Europe. And perhaps the most encouraging thing is that Israel is not yielding to pressure, is not stopping the destruction of Hamas and, possibly, is preparing to eliminate Hezbollah. And yet, as one of Stephen King’s heroes said, “you should hope for the best, but you should prepare for the worst.”

Saturday, November 25, 2023

Bari Weiss: You are the last line of defense

Transcribed by Rami Pinku using OpenAI 

Thank you so much. When Jean gave me the list of people who had previously given the Barbara Olson lecture, I was absolutely sure that you guys had made a mistake in inviting me. I'm not a lawyer. I'm not a legal scholar. I'm not a former attorney general. In my time at the Wall Street Journal, I edited dozens of op-eds about Chevron deference, but I'm still not sure what the hell that means. 

I'm also not a member of the Federalist Society. My parents, who are here in the front row, who probably couldn't afford the local country club, raised us on the Groucho Marx line that I wouldn't want to belong to any club that would have me as a member. And then there's the question of my politics. I hear you guys are conservative, so forgive me then.  I'd like to begin by acknowledging that we're standing on the ancestral indigenous land of Leonard Leo. I read in ProPublica that this is his turf.


But then I googled Barbara Olson. I had the privilege of editing some op-eds by Ted back in the day, and I knew that his wife had been murdered by Al-Qaeda in 9-11. But over the past few weeks in my non-spare time, I spent a bunch of it reading about Barbara herself. I read about a Texas girl, the daughter of German immigrants, who was ferociously independent. I read about how she, a Catholic, wound up at Cardozo Law School at Yeshiva University. And I read about how she, as an intern at the Department of Justice, was apparently the only person with sufficient chutzpah to personally serve the papers at the PLO mission to the UN. And I learned that she was on American Airlines Flight 77 because she was headed to LA to be on Bill Maher's show, and because she had changed her flight so she could have a birthday dinner with Ted. And I learned that she had the composure and the clarity and the courage to call him not just once but twice in those horrifying moments before the plane slammed into the Pentagon.


There is a phrase that Jews say when a person dies, and that phrase is, may their memory be for a blessing. And it's an expression of hope. But it is so clear in the case of Barbara Olsen, and the way that the force of her life and her character extends and echoes on, that it is very much a blessing fulfilled. To say that I am honored to give a lecture in the name of such an exceptional woman would be an understatement. So thank you.


It is also, since the massacre of October 7th, a date that will be seared into the memory of civilized people alongside September 11th, profoundly fitting.   I don't think it's a coincidence that Israel is the only country outside of America which is home to a 9-11 memorial bearing every single one of the victims names.


And of course, that is what we must talk about tonight, the civilizational war we are in, the war that took the life of Barbara Olson and 3,000 other innocent Americans on that morning of September 2001, and the war that came hideously across the border from Gaza into Israel on that Shabbat morning a month ago, the war that too many foolishly thought had ended.


The physical war currently raging in the Middle East with questions about the right way to defeat Hamas and other members of the jihadi death cult, the kind of operation Israel should be pursuing in Gaza, how America should abandon its fatal appeasement of Iran, and a hundred other strategic questions. Those are subjects for another speech and one for which there are many more qualified people to deliver. 


Tonight, I'd like to talk about the war of ideas, of conviction, and of will that faces us as Americans. I want to talk about the stakes of that war and how we must wage it fearlessly and relentlessly if we seek to build a world fit for our children and if we want to save America itself. 


By the time Americans woke up on October 7, 2023, it was clear that what had unfolded while we slept was not like previous wars or battles that Israel had fought in its 75-year history. This was a genocidal pogrom. It was a scene out of the places that Jews had fled, a scene out of the history of the Nazi Holocaust or the European pogroms before that, or of the Farhud, the 1941 massacre of Jews in Baghdad, a city that, it's hard to believe now, was 40% Jewish at the beginning of the 20th century. All of these scenes reminding us of Israel's necessity.


The Hamas terrorists came across the border into southern Israel on foot and on motorbike. They came by truck and by car and paraglider and they came with a plan. They came to Israel to maim and to murder and to mutilate anyone that they could find and that is what they did. 


These were Cossacks with smartphones. They called their families to brag that they had murdered Jews, dad, dad, I killed 10 Jews, said one. Others filmed the slaughter from their GoPros. Some used cell phones of the victims themselves to upload the footage of their torture and their murder so their families would have to encounter it first on their Facebook pages.


In all of this, the terrorists are laughing, they are euphoric, there is no one who has watched that horrifying, unedited footage who fails to note the hideous glee of the butchers. Some Israelis were literally disappeared on October 7th and I'm not talking about the hostages. I'm talking about people that were burned at such high heat that volunteers are still sifting through the bones and the remnant teeth to identify them. But  more than 200 people are currently being held hostage by Hamas and more than 1,400 were murdered in those terrible hours. Among the dead are some 30 American citizens and there are at least 10 Americans among the hostages. All of which is why the immediate analogy the world reached for was to 9-11. As with 9-11, the terrorists caught their victims by surprise on a clear blue morning. As with 9-11, the spectacle and the savagery were the point. As with 9-11, the terrorists notched points on their sadistic scoreboard, taking from us not just precious lives but our sense of safety and security. They changed something within us.


But the difference between 9-11 and 10-7, two massacres of innocent people, symbols to their killers of Western civilization, was the reaction to the horror. The difference between 9-11 and 10-7 was that the catastrophe of 10-7 was followed on October 8th by a different kind of catastrophe, a moral and spiritual catastrophe that was on full display throughout the West before the bodies of those men and women and children had even been identified. 


People poured into the streets of our capital cities to celebrate the slaughter. In Sydney, crowds gathered at the Opera House cheering, gas the Jews. People rejoiced on the streets of Berlin and London and Toronto and New York and Paris. Then came BLM Chicago using the paraglider, a symbol of mass death, as a symbol of freedom. Then came posters across our campuses calling for Israel to burn. Then came our own offices at the Free Press in New York City vandalized with F Jews and F Israel.


Then came Harvard's task force to create safe spaces for pro-Hamas students. And then, as thunder follows lightning, more dead Jews. An anti-Israel protester outside of Los Angeles killed a 69-year-old Jewish man this week for the apparent sin of waving an Israeli flag, though NBC's initial headline made it hard to follow. Man dies after hitting head during Israel and Palestinian rallies in California, officials say.  


In lockstep, the social justice crowd, the crowd who has tried so hard to convince us that words are violence, insisted that actual violence was a necessity, that rape was resistance, that torture was liberation. University presidents who leapt to issue morally lucid condemnations of George Floyd's killing or Putin's war against Ukraine offered silence or mealy-mouthed pablum about how the situation is complex and how we need to think of both sides as if there's some kind of equivalence between innocent civilians and jihadists. But the most alarming of all were the young people who threw their support not behind the innocent victims of Hamas terror, but behind Hamas and genocide. 


 At George Washington University just down the road, students projected the words, glory to our martyrs, and free Palestine from the river to the sea in giant letters on a campus building. At Cooper Union in Manhattan, Jewish students had to hide in the library because a mob was pounding on the door. At Columbia, my old professor, Joseph Massad, called the slaughter awesome. At Cornell, Professor Russell Rickford said it was energizing and exhilarating. At Harvard, more than 30 student groups signed a petition that found a way to blame Jewish victims for their own deaths, saying that they, quote, hold the Israeli regime entirely responsible for the unfolding violence. At Princeton, hundreds of students chanted, globalize the intifada, which can only mean one thing, open season on Jews worldwide. At NYU, students held posters that read, keep the world clean with drawings of Jewish stars in garbage cans. 


Hip young people with pronouns in their bios are not just chanting the slogans of a genocidal death cult. They are going around and tearing down the photographs of women and children who are currently being held hostage in tunnels that run under the Gaza Strip, and they do so gleefully. They laugh. They mock the nine-month-old baby who was stolen from his parents. And in doing so, they are tearing down, or at least they are trying to tear down, the essence of our common humanity, or perhaps even the reality that the hostages were taken at all, or maybe it's that they're trying to extinguish their memory, or the people actually had it coming to them. Or maybe, and I say this as the mother of a young child in whose face I see the face of every single child being held captive, they are trying to tear down the divine image that is at the very root of our civilization's conception of the dignity and the equality of every human life.


What could possibly explain this? The easy answer is that the human beings who were slaughtered on October 7th were Jews, and that anti-Semitism is the world's oldest hatred, and that in every generation, someone rises up to destroy us. They tried to wipe us out. They failed. Let's eat. That's the oldest Jewish joke in the world.


But that's not the whole answer, and that's because the proliferation of anti-Semitism, as always, is a symptom. When anti-Semitism moves from the shameful fringe into the public square, it is not about Jews. It is never about Jews. It is about everyone else. It is about the society or the culture or the country where it is being allowed to proliferate. Antisemitism is a warning system. It is a sign that the society itself is breaking down, that it is dying. It is a symptom of a much deeper crisis, one that explains how in the span of a little over 20 years since September 11th, educated people now respond to an act of savagery not with a defense of civilization but with a defense of barbarism.


It was 20 years ago when I was a college student that I began to encounter an ideology that drives the people who tear down the posters. It was 20 years ago that I started writing about this ideology that seemed to contradict everything I had been taught since I was a child. 


At first, the things I encountered like post-modernism and post-colonialism and post-nationalism seemed like wordplay or intellectual games, little puzzles to see how you could deconstruct just about anything. But what I came to see over time was that it wasn't going to remain an academic sideshow and that it sought nothing less than the deconstruction of our society from within. This ideology seeks to upend the very ideas of right and wrong. It replaces the basic ideas of good and evil with a new rubric, the powerless, good, and the powerful, bad. It replaces lots of things like that, color blindness with race obsession, ideas with identity, debate with denunciation and deplatforming, persuasion with public shaming, the rule of law with the fury of the mob. 


People were to be given authority in this new order, I learned, not in recognition of their gifts, their hard work, their talents, their accomplishments, or their contributions to society, but in inverse proportion to the disadvantage their group had suffered as defined by radical ideologues.And so as an undergraduate, I watched in horror sounding alarms as loudly as I could back then. I was told by most adults, including Jewish communal leaders, that yeah, it wasn't great, but don't be so hysterical. Campus were always hotbeds of political radicalism, they said, and this ideology they promised me would surely dissipate as young people made their way into the world.


They were wrong. It did not do that. Over the past two decades, I saw this inverted, morally perverse worldview swallow all of the sense-making institutions of American life. It started in the universities. Then it moved beyond the quad to cultural institutions, including some that my wife and I know well, like the New York Times, as well as to every major museum, philanthropy, and media company. It has taken root in the HR departments of every major corporation. It is inside our high schools and even our elementary schools. And of course, as everyone in this room knows, it has come to the law itself. 


When you see a federal judge shouted down at Stanford, you are seeing this ideology at work. When you see people screaming outside of the homes of certain Supreme Court justices, causing them to need round-the-clock security, you are seeing its logic. The takeover of core American institutions by this ideology is so comprehensive that it's hard sometimes for people to even notice it, because it's everywhere. 


Now, for Jews, there are obvious and glaring dangers in a worldview that measures fairness by equality of outcome rather than by equality of opportunity. If underrepresentation is the inevitable outcome of systemic bias, then overrepresentation, and Jews are 2% of the American population, suggests not talent or hard work, but unearned privilege. This conspiratorial conclusion is not actually that far removed from the hateful portrait of a small group of Jews divvying up the ill-gotten spoils of an exploited world. And it's not only Jews who suffer from the suggestion that merit and excellence are dirty words. It is every single American. It is strivers of every race, ethnicity, and class. That is why Asian immigrant success, for example, is seen as so suspicious. The percentages are off. The scores are too high. The starting point, as  poor immigrants, is too low. From whom did they steal all of that success? 


The week since October 7th has been a mark-to-market moment. In other words, everyone can now see how very deep these ideas run, and we see clearly that they are not just metaphors. Decolonization isn't just a clever turn of phrase or a new way to read novels. It is a sincerely held political view that serves as a predicate to violence. If you want to understand how it could be that the editor of the Harvard Law Review was caught on camera a few weeks ago physically intimidating a Jewish student, or how a public defender in Manhattan recently spent her evening tearing down posters of kidnapped Israeli children, it is because they believe this and they believe it is just. And their moral calculus is as crude as you can imagine. Israelis and Jews, powerful, successful, colonizers, so they're bad. Hamas is weak. They're considered people of color, so they're good. And no, it doesn't matter that the majority of Israelis are also people of color. That baby, he's a colonizer first and a baby second. That woman, gang-raped by terrorists, shame it had to come to that, but she's a white oppressor.


This is the ideology of vandalism in the true sense of the word, the vandal-sacked Rome. It is the ideology of nihilism. It knows nothing about how to build. It only knows how to tear down and destroy. And it has already torn down so very much. The civilization that feels as natural to us as oxygen, that takes thousands of years, thousands of nudges of progress, thousands of forgotten sacrifices and risks to build up to. But vandals can make very quick work of that. Reagan used to say that freedom is never more than one generation from extinction. And the same can be said of our civilization. 


If anything good can come out of the nightmare that began on October 7th, it is this. We have been shaken awake. We know the gravity of the stakes, and the stakes are not theoretical. They are real. 


So what can we do? 


First, we need to look. We must recover our ability to look and discern accordingly. We must look past the sloganeering and the propaganda and take a hard look at what is in front of our eyes. Look first, of course, at what just happened, at the barbarism that Hamas carried out. Then look at the reaction to it. Take stock of how profoundly the lies and the rot have traveled, how badly the forces of civilization and of good are faring in this battle, how it is that the most educated, the most pedigreed have become the most morally confused. 


The suspect in the killing of Paul Kessler is a college professor. To see the world as it is, we have to prize the distinctions that so many have forgotten, the distinctions between good and bad, better and worse, pain and not pain, safety and danger, just and unjust, friends and enemies. I do not need context to know that tying children to their parents and burning them alive is evil, just as I don't need a history lesson in the Arab-Israeli conflict to know that the Arab-Israelis who saved scores of Jewish Israelis that day are righteous.  


Look carefully, look at your enemies and your allies, and I say that to myself more than to you. Many of you have no doubt understood this for far longer than I have, but for many people, especially many people in my cohort, friends and enemies are not who they thought they were before October 7th. Accepting this might be hard for some of you, as it has been for me. It might mean giving up on nice things, giving up on Harvard, giving up on the club, or your New York Times subscription. Sorry, wrong crowd.  LAUGHTER 


But you get my point. The point is that things, prestige, they are not the point of our lives. Harvard and Yale don't give us value. We give us value. Something beyond ourselves gives us value. The something that is visible in the faces of so many people before me right now. And in recognizing allies, I'll be an example right now. I'm a gay woman who is moderately pro-choice. I know that there are some people in this room who don't believe that my marriage should have been legal. And that's okay, because we're all Americans who want lower taxes. LAUGHTER 



But I am here because I know that in the fight for the West, who my allies really are. And they are not the people who are looking at facile external markers of my identity that I might imagine them to be. 


My allies, true allies, are people who believe that America is good. My allies are people who believe that the West is good. And that human beings are created equal. And that saying so is essential to knowing what we are fighting for. America and our values, those are things worth fighting for. And that, and not any number of nonsensical or at least tertiary culture war issues, that is the priority of the day. 


The other thing to look for right now is for the good. To look for the good in these moments of darkness and to not lose sight of it. There's a New York coffee shop owner named Aaron DeHaan. He had all of his baristas quit the other day because he put an Israeli flag in the window and began fundraising for Magen David Adom, which is the Israeli Red Cross. So they all quit. But his cafe didn't close. It was quite the opposite. Suppliers sent him free shipments of beans and cups. Community members picked up shifts for him for free. There were lines around the block on the Upper East Side just to buy a cup of coffee. His cafe made $25,000 in a single day. Just this week, American cowboys, I hope you guys have seen these guys on social media, American cowboys from the Great Plains and the Rockies traveled to Israel to tend the fields and animals of Israeli farmers who have been killed in the past month


 This is the opposite of the cheap solidarity of standing with Hamas that we see across our campuses and in our city centers. This is the essence of the West. This is the essence of the idea that free people and free societies must stick together. 


It's not just, as James Woolsey once put it, that we're all Jews now. The reverse is also true. Israel is a mirror for the West and for the United States, whose founders saw a version of themselves in the biblical nation that also inspired the modern Zionists, whose descendants are now looking toward America with gratitude, but also with alarm, sensing a shared struggle ahead. So the first thing we must do is look. 


The second thing that we, really you, must do is enforce the law. The wave of the so-called progressive prosecutors that have been elected across many of our cities has proven to be an immensely bad thing for law and order in cities across America. It turns out that choosing not to enforce the law doesn't actually reduce crime, it promotes it. And it is no coincidence that many of the same activists who have pushed to defund the police are now the people physically harassing Jews in our streets. Everyone in America deserves equal protection, not only of the law, but from the forces of chaos and violence.


In Brooklyn, there have been an unconscionable number of violent attacks against Orthodox Jews over the past decade, and they've been correctly identified as hate crimes. But they're also simply crimes that if the law were upheld would be far less likely to happen, whatever their motivation. 


Masking at protests is illegal in many states, so that it doesn't become an attempt at mass intimidation a la the KKK. Now maybe that's a good idea, maybe it's a bad one, but in nearby Virginia, it happens to be the law. And yet, as David Bernstein recently pointed out in Eugene Volokh's blog, at George Mason University's Fairfax campus, nearly all of the protesters at a recent Student for Justice in Palestine rally were masked, completely covered. Were they punished for breaking the law? I suspect if they had, we would have read about it. The rallies that we're seeing right now would likely be less susceptible to erupting in violence if the attendants weren't covering their faces. So don't allow selective enforcement of this law or any others. If neo-Nazis and white supremacists can't do it, then neither can Hamas sympathizers. 


APPLAUSE


The third thing, no more double standards on speech. Public universities are constitutionally forbidden from imposing content-based restrictions on free speech, and yet that's precisely what they have been doing. Ask any conservative, and I know a few now, who's tried to speak at a public university and had a security fee imposed on them or had their speech quietly moved to an off-campus venue. Private universities can legally restrict speech, but their restrictions can't be enforced discriminatorily, and yet they are. I'm just going to give you one quite amazing example from Yale Law School. In 2021, in an example I'm sure all of you will know, law student Trent Colbert invited classmates to his trap house in his announcement of a Constitution Day bash hosted by FedSoc and the Native American Law Students Association. It took 12 hours for administrators to process discrimination complaints, haul Colbert in for a meeting, and suggest his career was on the line if he didn't sign an apology that they wrote on his behalf.


The law school dean also authorized a message condemning his language. Why all of this hullabaloo? Because trap house was a term that some claimed had racist associations with crack houses. But when Jewish students wrote that dean two weeks after the Hamas attacks, detailing the anti-Semitic vitriol they had received, they got a formulaic reply from the deputy directing them to student support services. For certain students, kid gloves. For others, the maw of whatever hate their classmates and professors can dream up. The universities are playing favorites based on the speech they prefer and the racial group hierarchies that they have established. It is a nasty game and they need to be called out for it.


APPLAUSE


Fourth, and this is my last, accept that you are the last line of defense and fight, fight, fight. If you study history and if you look at where Jews stand for better and generally for worse, you will understand with almost 100% certainty where a culture, where a country, or where a civilization stands. Whether it's on the way up or on the way down. Whether it's expanding in its freedoms or whether it's contracting them. Where liberty thrives, Jews thrive. Where difference is celebrated, genuine difference, Jews are celebrated. And where freedom of thought and of faith and of speech are protected, Jews tend to be too. And when such virtues are regarded as threats or thrown to the side, Jews will be too. As goes Ohio, so goes the nation is the famous political phrase. The Jews, please don't quote me on this, we're Ohio.


And nothing is guaranteed, nothing. The right ideas don't win on their own. They need a voice, they need prosecutors. It's time to defend our values, the values that have made this country the freest, most tolerant society in the history of the world. and to do that without hesitation or apology. The leftist intellectual Sidney Hook, who broke with the communists and called his memoir out of step for that reason, used to implore those around him to always answer an accusation or a charge, to never let a falsehood stand unchallenged. We as a culture are leaders. We have let too much go unchallenged. Too many lies have spread in the face of inaction, inaction that's come as the result of fear or wanting to be polite. 


No more. 


You are the last line of defense. Every person is the last line of defense, and we have to think about it that way. Don't bite your tongue. Don't tremble. Don't go along with the little lies. Be the skunk at the garden party. Speak up, break the wall of lies, and let nothing go unchallenged. Our enemy's failure is not assured, and there is no cavalry coming. We are the cavalry, and our civilization depends on us


Now I'm gonna close with maybe something unusual for a Federalist Society lecture, but it's a very, very rare thing for me to not be sitting at a Shabbat dinner table on a Friday night as the sun sets. So I hope you'll let me close with a little bit of Torah


Tomorrow, in every synagogue around the world, we'll read the portion of the Torah where Abraham, Avraham's wife, Sarah, dies at the ripe old age of 127. We read in the Bible that she died in Kiryat Arba, now Hebron, or Hevron, in the land of Canaan. And we read that when she does, as the Bible says, Abraham proceeded to mourn for Sarah and to bewail her. And the very next verse goes like this. Then Abraham rose from beside his dead and spoke to the Hittites, saying, I am a resident alien among you. Sell me a burial site among you so that I may remove my dead for burial. So that's the first thing he does. He buys a plot of land to bury Sarah. And the second thing he does is that he goes to find a wife for his son, Isaac. The late, great, holy man, Rabbi Jonathan Sacks, who I was blessed to know, tells us this about the sequence of events. Abraham heard the future calling to him. Sarah had died. Isaac was unmarried. Abraham had neither land nor grandchildren. He did not cry out in anger or anguish to God. Instead, he heard the still, small voice saying, the next step depends on you. You must create a future that I will fill with my spirit. That is how Abraham survived the shock and the grief, writes Rabbi Sacks. This is how generations of Jews before me have survived. This is how every civilization survives. 


I am so honored, as I said before, to be here speaking in this place in honor of someone who stood up courageously for all the things that mattered most and who was murdered by the enemies that we are fighting still today. Her memory is a blessing for me. There is another phrase, though, that traditional Jews invoke when speaking of someone who has been murdered, and that is, Hashem yikom dama. May God avenge her death. Amen. We, human beings, leave vengeance in the hands of God, but fighting, fighting is for all of us, especially when there is something so precious worth fighting for. 


Ted once said of Barbara that Barbara was Barbara because America, unlike any place in the world,gave her the space, freedom, oxygen, encouragement, and inspiration to be whatever she wanted to be. There is no place like this country. There is no second America for us to run to if this one fails. So get up, get up and fight for our future. This is the fight of and for our lives.