Martin Sherman |
As the massive influx of Muslim immigrants engulf the European
Union and press against the gates of North America today, bringing with
them much of what they were attempting to flee, the appalling truth is becoming
increasingly clear.
Across the Western world today, political liberalism is
undergoing a process of self-cannibalization. It is being devoured by the
very values which made it into arguably the most successful and influential
socio-political doctrine in modern history.
At the very least, it is being complicit in actively
facilitating its own demise through an unrestrained and undiscerning compulsion
to apply these values universally – even when such application is not only
inappropriate but detrimental to those values.
Devotees of political liberalism fervently advocate – quite
correctly – the need to acknowledge the diversity of humanity and to accept the
existence of those different from us, i.e., the “Other.”
However, they then go on to advocate – with equal fervor –
something that in effect empties the previous acknowledgment of all significance,
i.e., that we relate to all the diverse “Others” as equals.
For what is the point of acknowledging diversity if we are
called upon to ignore the possible ramifications of that diversity and to
relate to those discernibly different from us as if they were essentially the
same as us? Prima facie, this is absurdly self-contradictory.
For surely the awareness of difference raises the possibility
that different attitudes (and actions) toward the “Other” may well be called
for.
Although acknowledging diversity necessarily negates equality,
this does not a priori mean that “Ours” is morally superior to “Theirs” –
although the plausible assumption is that “We” have a subjective preference for
“Ours” over “Theirs.”
This, of course, might entail certain practical ramifications
for the preservation of “Ours” lest it be consumed by “Theirs” – depending on
“Their” appetites and aspirations.
As the foregoing citation from W.R. Inge underscores, it would
be injudicious to relate to carnivores and herbivores with an undiscriminating
sense of egalitarianism. Indeed, if one is not mindful of the differences
between oneself and the “Other” (say with regard to dietary preferences or
predatory predilections), disaster may well be unavoidable.
Note that making such a diagnosis of difference does not
necessarily imply a value judgment as to the relative moral merits of devouring
flesh or grazing grass. However, operationally, it is a distinction that is
essential for the preservation of grass-grazers and – and no less pointedly –
for the shepherd charged with their welfare.
For no matter how sympathetic to, or appreciative of, the
untamed majesty of predators one might be, the fate of the flock is likely to
be grim if it is left to graze in wolf-frequented territory with nothing more
coercive to protect it than an appeal for understanding.
Now while I do not wish to push Inge’s ovine-lupine analogy too
far, those who would dismiss it as overly facile would do well to recall that
political liberalism has faced several challenges in the last century from
adversaries which could plausibly be viewed as predatory.
It has had to contend with ideologies that were totalitarian,
expansionary and irreconcilably inimical to its core values of socio-cultural
tolerance and individual liberty.
There was, for example, the kinetic clash with Nazism and the
ideological clash with Communism. Political liberalism withstood them and
prevailed.
It is facing another fateful encounter in this century: The
existential clash with Islamism – a foe no less totalitarian, no less
expansionary and no less irreconcilably inimical to its core values.
It is far from certain that this time it will prevail.
The major source of peril today is the reluctance – indeed the
resolute refusal – to acknowledge the emerging threat. True, there were
sympathizers in the West for both the Nazi and Soviet causes, which both strove
to eliminate our democratic freedoms and way of life.
However, the denial we are witnessing today seems qualitatively
different. Leading liberal opinion-makers in mainstream intellectual
establishment appear totally incapable of conceiving (or at least, totally
unwilling to acknowledge that they are capable of conceiving) of the “Other” as
anything but a darker skin-toned version of themselves – with perhaps somewhat
more exotic tastes in dress and a greater penchant for spicy food, but with
essentially the same value system as theirs, or at least one not significantly
incompatible with it.
Indeed, there seems to be an overriding inability to admit the
possibility that the “Other” is in fact fundamentally different – i.e.
genuinely “Other” – and may hold entirely different beliefs as to what is good
and bad, what is legitimate and what is not.
It is of little practical consequence whether this is the
product of an overbearing intellectual arrogance, which precludes the
possibility of any alternative value system, or of an underlying moral
cowardice, which precludes the will to defend the validity of one’s own value
system.
The result is the ongoing retreat from the defense of liberty
and tolerance in the face of an ever-emboldened, intolerant Muslim militancy –
not only across the Islamic world but within the urban heart of many Western
nations as well.
Even more serious, it has undermined the capacity for honest
debate, for accurate assessment of strategic geopolitical shifts… and for
formulating timely and effective responses to deal with them.
Take the Arab Spring, for example, which much of the mainstream
media heralded as the dawning of a new spirit of freedom and enlightenment from
the Maghreb to the Persian Gulf. Yet over half a decade, this naïve optimism
has been dashed to pieces on the hard rocks of recalcitrant reality.
Nothing that has occurred has even remotely justified the
rosy forecast as to the prospective emergence of Arab regimes, founded on
values /processes akin to those of Western democracy.
The politically correct endeavor to shy away from harsh truths
has introduced an almost Orwellian atmosphere of 1984 mind control into the
debate on the ramifications of Islam for political liberalism.
Pronouncements almost on a par with the “War is Peace,” “Freedom
is Slavery” and “Ignorance is Strength” employed by “The Party” to control the
dystopian state of Oceania in George Orwell’s classic novel of pervasive
dictatorship are emerging with disturbing frequency.
For example, US Director of National Intelligence James Clapper
in effect pronounced that “religious fundamentalism is secular” when he
characterized the radical Muslim Brotherhood as an organization that is
“largely secular.”
A similar instance of convoluted, nonsensical gobbledygook came
from current CIA Director (then Obama-administration’s homeland
security adviser) James O. Brennan, when he made the astounding claim
that accurately defining the threat would exacerbate it: “Nor do we describe
our enemy as jihadists or Islamists, because jihad is a holy struggle.
[C]haracterizing our adversaries this way would actually be counterproductive”.
So by reorganizing the rhetoric we will somehow dispel the
misperceptions, from which the planners/perpetrators of wholesale carnage in
the name of Islam apparently suffer, as to the sources of their beliefs and the
nature of their motivations?
But
perhaps the pinnacle of Orwellian endeavor came from then-British home
secretary Jacqui Smith, in a 2009 Der Spiegel
interview, who took it upon herself to bring home to radicalized UK
Muslims that they were not who they thought they were!
In a breathtaking stroke of self-contradictory double talk, she
presumed to dub the acts of terrorism perpetrated by Islamists in the name of
Islam as “anti-Islamic activity.”
All of this comprises the rhetorical context for the more recent
sycophantic oxymoronic drivel from Barack Obama and Hilary Clinton that there
in “nothing Islamic” about the atrocities committed in the name of Islam by
incontrovertibly Islamic organizations.
Clearly, in an intellectual climate such as this – where truth
is condemned and dismissed as politically incorrect hate-speech – no effective
response can be marshaled against the gathering storm facing Western
civilization and the values of political liberalism that underpin it.
Such reticence and evasion was not always prevalent. In an era
long before political-correctness crippled the ability to articulate the truth
in the public sphere, far-sighted men warned of the impending clash.
Thus seven
decades ago, Hilaire Belloc, the prominent Anglo-French writer and historian,
raised the trenchant question: “Will not perhaps the temporal power of Islam
return and with it the menace of an armed Muhammadan world… reappear again as
the prime enemy of our civilization?” (The
Great Heresies, 1938)
He was not alone in his sense of foreboding.
In the
first edition of his The River War, published in
1899, Winston Churchill set out a withering critique of the effect Islam has on
its followers, its debilitating effect on economies of nations that embrace it,
and the enslavement of its luckless women.
While he admits that “individual Muslims may show splendid
qualities,” he contrasts this with realities on the collective level, where
“the influence of the religion paralyses the social development of those who
follow it.”
Few who page through a recent Arab Human Development Report
sponsored by the United Nations and independently authored by intellectuals and
scholars from Arab countries, would dispute this today.
Churchill
goes on to warn: “No stronger retrograde force
exists in the world. Far from being moribund, Muhammadanism is a militant and
proselytizing faith… and were it not that Christianity is sheltered in the
strong arms of science… the civilization of modern Europe might fall, as fell
the civilization of ancient Rome.”
But how long will the West remain “cradled in the strong arms of
science?”
This is surely a question that should concentrate minds in the
West. It is undoubtedly one that is gathering accelerating urgency in the wake
of its appalling capitulation last July to the Iranian theocracy, bent on
its thinly disguised pursuit of weaponized nuclear capabilities — and
intercontinental reach for their delivery.
Allow me conclude with the observations of a gay intellectual
regarding the propagation of Islam in Europe, where private Islamic academies –
subsidized by European governments – “reinforce the Koran-based…morality
learned at home that prescribes severe penalties for female adulterers and rape
victims (though not necessarily for rapists), and that demands… that
homosexuals be put to death.”
With some foreboding he remarks: “If fundamentalist Muslims in
Europe do not carry out these punishments, it is not because they’ve advanced
beyond such thinking, but because they don’t have the power.”
Not yet.
This
article first appeared in The Jerusalem Post.