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Tuesday, July 14, 2020

The 80000 Protesters in Rabin Square and COVID-19


Letters to the Editor, Jerusalem Post, July 15, 2020

Thousands protest economic situation amid coronavirus crisis in Tel Aviv, July 11, 2020

          


The Jerusalem Post reported (July 12), “Some 80,000 protesters gathered in Tel Aviv’s Rabin Square on Saturday to voice their anger at the failed policies of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Finance Minister Israel Katz, who promised to help the nation’s economy during the COVID-19 crisis.”

Rabin Square is about 100 meters wide and 200 meters long, so its area is 20,000 square meters. Since there were 80,000 protesters, there were four people per square meter. That is obviously in violation of the two-meter social distancing guideline.

The 80,000 protesters could not wait a few days to see if the government’s NIS 80 billion rescue package will be delivered? They endangered all of us. COVID-19 is a serious disease and it won’t stop until 40% to 70% of the population gets infected and R effective gets below 1. But this can only happen when either herd immunity is reached or a vaccine becomes available. With no lockdown, an infectious person can move around, but since due to herd immunity there are so few susceptible people left that by the time he finds one he is not infectious anymore.

Since the vaccine won’t be available until the beginning of next year and we are still very far away from herd immunity, it is essential that the rate of new infections is controlled and that it does not explode like it did in the UK at the beginning of the pandemic.

Young people should understand that they are also vulnerable and that there are COVID-19 patients who have had the disease for more than four months. Breaking guidelines that are there to protect the health system from being overwhelmed is irresponsible and just stupid.

MLADEN ANDRIJASEVIC
Beersheba

Friday, July 10, 2020

Douglas Murray: Donald Trump's Mount Rushmore speech was a much needed history lesson






I had been watching the documentary series The Roosevelts: An Intimate History and was reminded how detached from reality the present discussion about American history is. President Trump is living in fantasy when it comes to covid-19, and especially on masks, but he was spot on to remind Americans of their history in his Mount Rushmore speech.  Here is his speech:


Keystone, South Dakota
8:50 P.M. MDT
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, thank you very much.  And Governor Noem, Secretary Bernhardt — very much appreciate it — members of Congress, distinguished guests, and a very special hello to South Dakota.  (Applause.)
As we begin this Fourth of July weekend, the First Lady and I wish each and every one of you a very, very Happy Independence Day.  Thank you.  (Applause.)
Let us show our appreciation to the South Dakota Army and Air National Guard, and the U.S. Air Force for inspiring us with that magnificent display of American air power — (applause) –and of course, our gratitude, as always, to the legendary and very talented Blue Angels.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)
Let us also send our deepest thanks to our wonderful veterans, law enforcement, first responders, and the doctors, nurses, and scientists working tirelessly to kill the virus.  They’re working hard.  (Applause.)  I want to thank them very, very much.
We’re grateful as well to your state’s Congressional delegation: Senators John Thune — John, thank you very much — (applause) — Senator Mike Rounds — (applause) — thank you, Mike — and Dusty Johnson, Congressman.  Hi, Dusty.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  And all others with us tonight from Congress, thank you very much for coming.  We appreciate it.
There could be no better place to celebrate America’s independence than beneath this magnificent, incredible, majestic mountain and monument to the greatest Americans who have ever lived.
Today, we pay tribute to the exceptional lives and extraordinary legacies of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and Teddy Roosevelt.  (Applause.)  I am here as your President to proclaim before the country and before the world: This monument will never be desecrated — (applause) — these heroes will never be defaced, their legacy will never, ever be destroyed, their achievements will never be forgotten, and Mount Rushmore will stand forever as an eternal tribute to our forefathers and to our freedom.  (Applause.)
AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA!
THE PRESIDENT:  We gather tonight to herald the most important day in the history of nations: July 4th, 1776.  At those words, every American heart should swell with pride.  Every American family should cheer with delight.  And every American patriot should be filled with joy, because each of you lives in the most magnificent country in the history of the world, and it will soon be greater than ever before.  (Applause.)
Our Founders launched not only a revolution in government, but a revolution in the pursuit of justice, equality, liberty, and prosperity.  No nation has done more to advance the human condition than the United States of America.  And no people have done more to promote human progress than the citizens of our great nation.  (Applause.)
It was all made possible by the courage of 56 patriots who gathered in Philadelphia 244 years ago and signed the Declaration of Independence.  (Applause.)  They enshrined a divine truth that changed the world forever when they said: “…all men are created equal.”
These immortal words set in motion the unstoppable march of freedom.  Our Founders boldly declared that we are all endowed with the same divine rights — given [to] us by our Creator in Heaven.  And that which God has given us, we will allow no one, ever, to take away — ever.  (Applause.)
Seventeen seventy-six represented the culmination of thousands of years of western civilization and the triumph not only of spirit, but of wisdom, philosophy, and reason.
And yet, as we meet here tonight, there is a growing danger that threatens every blessing our ancestors fought so hard for, struggled, they bled to secure.
Our nation is witnessing a merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children.
AUDIENCE:  Booo —
THE PRESIDENT:  Angry mobs are trying to tear down statues of our Founders, deface our most sacred memorials, and unleash a wave of violent crime in our cities.  Many of these people have no idea why they are doing this, but some know exactly what they are doing.  They think the American people are weak and soft and submissive.  But no, the American people are strong and proud, and they will not allow our country, and all of its values, history, and culture, to be taken from them.  (Applause.)
AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA!
THE PRESIDENT:   One of their political weapons is “Cancel Culture” — driving people from their jobs, shaming dissenters, and demanding total submission from anyone who disagrees.  This is the very definition of totalitarianism, and it is completely alien to our culture and our values, and it has absolutely no place in the United States of America.  (Applause.)  This attack on our liberty, our magnificent liberty, must be stopped, and it will be stopped very quickly.  We will expose this dangerous movement, protect our nation’s children, end this radical assault, and preserve our beloved American way of life.  (Applause.)
In our schools, our newsrooms, even our corporate boardrooms, there is a new far-left fascism that demands absolute allegiance.  If you do not speak its language, perform its rituals, recite its mantras, and follow its commandments, then you will be censored, banished, blacklisted, persecuted, and punished.  It’s not going to happen to us.  (Applause.)
Make no mistake: this left-wing cultural revolution is designed to overthrow the American Revolution.  In so doing, they would destroy the very civilization that rescued billions from poverty, disease, violence, and hunger, and that lifted humanity to new heights of achievement, discovery, and progress.
To make this possible, they are determined to tear down every statue, symbol, and memory of our national heritage.
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Not on my watch!  (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT:  True.  That’s very true, actually.  (Laughter.)  That is why I am deploying federal law enforcement to protect our monuments, arrest the rioters, and prosecute offenders to the fullest extent of the law.  (Applause.)
AUDIENCE:  Four more years!  Four more years!  Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT:  I am pleased to report that yesterday, federal agents arrested the suspected ringleader of the attack on the statue of Andrew Jackson in Washington, D.C. — (applause) — and, in addition, hundreds more have been arrested.  (Applause.)
Under the executive order I signed last week — pertaining to the Veterans’ Memorial Preservation and Recognition Act and other laws — people who damage or deface federal statues or monuments will get a minimum of 10 years in prison.  (Applause.)  And obviously, that includes our beautiful Mount Rushmore.  (Applause.)
Our people have a great memory.  They will never forget the destruction of statues and monuments to George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, abolitionists, and many others.
The violent mayhem we have seen in the streets of cities that are run by liberal Democrats, in every case, is the predictable result of years of extreme indoctrination and bias in education, journalism, and other cultural institutions.
Against every law of society and nature, our children are taught in school to hate their own country, and to believe that the men and women who built it were not heroes, but that were villains.  The radical view of American history is a web of lies — all perspective is removed, every virtue is obscured, every motive is twisted, every fact is distorted, and every flaw is magnified until the history is purged and the record is disfigured beyond all recognition.
This movement is openly attacking the legacies of every person on Mount Rushmore.  They defile the memory of Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, and Roosevelt.  Today, we will set history and history’s record straight.  (Applause.)
Before these figures were immortalized in stone, they were American giants in full flesh and blood, gallant men whose intrepid deeds unleashed the greatest leap of human advancement the world has ever known.  Tonight, I will tell you and, most importantly, the youth of our nation, the true stories of these great, great men.
From head to toe, George Washington represented the strength, grace, and dignity of the American people.  From a small volunteer force of citizen farmers, he created the Continental Army out of nothing and rallied them to stand against the most powerful military on Earth.
Through eight long years, through the brutal winter at Valley Forge, through setback after setback on the field of battle, he led those patriots to ultimate triumph.  When the Army had dwindled to a few thousand men at Christmas of 1776, when defeat seemed absolutely certain, he took what remained of his forces on a daring nighttime crossing of the Delaware River.
They marched through nine miles of frigid darkness, many without boots on their feet, leaving a trail of blood in the snow.  In the morning, they seized victory at Trenton.  After forcing the surrender of the most powerful empire on the planet at Yorktown, General Washington did not claim power, but simply returned to Mount Vernon as a private citizen.
When called upon again, he presided over the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, and was unanimously elected our first President.  (Applause.)  When he stepped down after two terms, his former adversary King George called him “the greatest man of the age.”  He remains first in our hearts to this day.  For as long as Americans love this land, we will honor and cherish the father of our country, George Washington.  (Applause.)  He will never be removed, abolished, and most of all, he will never be forgotten.  (Applause.)
Thomas Jefferson — the great Thomas Jefferson — was 33 years old when he traveled north to Pennsylvania and brilliantly authored one of the greatest treasures of human history, the Declaration of Independence.  He also drafted Virginia’s constitution, and conceived and wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, a model for our cherished First Amendment.
After serving as the first Secretary of State, and then Vice President, he was elected to the Presidency.  He ordered American warriors to crush the Barbary pirates, he doubled the size of our nation with the Louisiana Purchase, and he sent the famous explorers Lewis and Clark into the west on a daring expedition to the Pacific Ocean.
He was an architect, an inventor, a diplomat, a scholar, the founder of one of the world’s great universities, and an ardent defender of liberty.  Americans will forever admire the author of American freedom, Thomas Jefferson.  (Applause.)  And he, too, will never, ever be abandoned by us.  (Applause.)
Abraham Lincoln, the savior of our union, was a self-taught country lawyer who grew up in a log cabin on the American frontier.
The first Republican President, he rose to high office from obscurity, based on a force and clarity of his anti-slavery convictions.  Very, very strong convictions.
He signed the law that built the Transcontinental Railroad; he signed the Homestead Act, given to some incredible scholars — as simply defined, ordinary citizens free land to settle anywhere in the American West; and he led the country through the darkest hours of American history, giving every ounce of strength that he had to ensure that government of the people, by the people, and for the people did not perish from this Earth.  (Applause.)
He served as Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Armed Forces during our bloodiest war, the struggle that saved our union and extinguished the evil of slavery.  Over 600,000 died in that war; more than 20,000 were killed or wounded in a single day at Antietam.  At Gettysburg, 157 years ago, the Union bravely withstood an assault of nearly 15,000 men and threw back Pickett’s charge.
Lincoln won the Civil War; he issued the Emancipation Proclamation; he led the passage of the 13th Amendment, abolishing slavery for all time — (applause) — and ultimately, his determination to preserve our nation and our union cost him his life.  For as long as we live, Americans will uphold and revere the immortal memory of President Abraham Lincoln.  (Applause.)
Theodore Roosevelt exemplified the unbridled confidence of our national culture and identity.  He saw the towering grandeur of America’s mission in the world and he pursued it with overwhelming energy and zeal.
As a Lieutenant Colonel during the Spanish-American War, he led the famous Rough Riders to defeat the enemy at San Juan Hill.  He cleaned up corruption as Police Commissioner of New York City, then served as the Governor of New York, Vice President, and at 42 years old, became the youngest-ever President of the United States.  (Applause.)
He sent our great new naval fleet around the globe to announce America’s arrival as a world power.  He gave us many of our national parks, including the Grand Canyon; he oversaw the construction of the awe-inspiring Panama Canal; and he is the only person ever awarded both the Nobel Peace Prize and the Congressional Medal of Honor.  He was — (applause) — American freedom personified in full.  The American people will never relinquish the bold, beautiful, and untamed spirit of Theodore Roosevelt.  (Applause.)
No movement that seeks to dismantle these treasured American legacies can possibly have a love of America at its heart.  Can’t have it.  No person who remains quiet at the destruction of this resplendent heritage can possibly lead us to a better future.
The radical ideology attacking our country advances under the banner of social justice.  But in truth, it would demolish both justice and society.  It would transform justice into an instrument of division and vengeance, and it would turn our free and inclusive society into a place of repression, domination, and exclusion.
They want to silence us, but we will not be silenced.  (Applause.)
AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA!
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  We love you!
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you very much.
We will state the truth in full, without apology:  We declare that the United States of America is the most just and exceptional nation ever to exist on Earth.
We are proud of the fact — (applause) — that our country was founded on Judeo-Christian principles, and we understand — (applause) — that these values have dramatically advanced the cause of peace and justice throughout the world.
We know that the American family is the bedrock of American life.  (Applause.)
We recognize the solemn right and moral duty of every nation to secure its borders.  (Applause.)  And we are building the wall.  (Applause.)
We remember that governments exist to protect the safety and happiness of their own people.  A nation must care for its own citizens first.  We must take care of America first.  It’s time.  (Applause.)
We believe in equal opportunity, equal justice, and equal treatment for citizens of every race, background, religion, and creed.  Every child, of every color — born and unborn — is made in the holy image of God.  (Applause.)
We want free and open debate, not speech codes and cancel culture.
We embrace tolerance, not prejudice.
We support the courageous men and women of law enforcement.  (Applause.)  We will never abolish our police or our great Second Amendment, which gives us the right to keep and bear arms.  (Applause.)
We believe that our children should be taught to love their country, honor our history, and respect our great American flag.  (Applause.)
We stand tall, we stand proud, and we only kneel to Almighty God.  (Applause.)
This is who we are.  This is what we believe.  And these are the values that will guide us as we strive to build an even better and greater future.
Those who seek to erase our heritage want Americans to forget our pride and our great dignity, so that we can no longer understand ourselves or America’s destiny.  In toppling the heroes of 1776, they seek to dissolve the bonds of love and loyalty that we feel for our country, and that we feel for each other.  Their goal is not a better America, their goal is the end of America.
AUDIENCE:  Booo —
THE PRESIDENT:  In its place, they want power for themselves.  But just as patriots did in centuries past, the American people will stand in their way — and we will win, and win quickly and with great dignity.  (Applause.)
We will never let them rip America’s heroes from our monuments, or from our hearts.  By tearing down Washington and Jefferson, these radicals would tear down the very heritage for which men gave their lives to win the Civil War; they would erase the memory that inspired those soldiers to go to their deaths, singing these words of the Battle Hymn of the Republic: “As He died to make men Holy, let us die to make men free, while God is marching on.”  (Applause.)
They would tear down the principles that propelled the abolition of slavery in America and, ultimately, around the world, ending an evil institution that had plagued humanity for thousands and thousands of years.  Our opponents would tear apart the very documents that Martin Luther King used to express his dream, and the ideas that were the foundation of the righteous movement for Civil Rights.  They would tear down the beliefs, culture, and identity that have made America the most vibrant and tolerant society in the history of the Earth.
My fellow Americans, it is time to speak up loudly and strongly and powerfully and defend the integrity of our country.  (Applause.)
AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA!
THE PRESIDENT:  It is time for our politicians to summon the bravery and determination of our American ancestors.  It is time.  (Applause.)  It is time to plant our flag and protect the greatest of this nation, for citizens of every race, in every city, and every part of this glorious land.  For the sake of our honor, for the sake of our children, for the sake of our union, we must protect and preserve our history, our heritage, and our great heroes.  (Applause.)
Here tonight, before the eyes of our forefathers, Americans declare again, as we did 244 years ago: that we will not be tyrannized, we will not be demeaned, and we will not be intimidated by bad, evil people.  It will not happen.  (Applause.)
AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA!
THE PRESIDENT:  We will proclaim the ideals of the Declaration of Independence, and we will never surrender the spirit and the courage and the cause of July 4th, 1776.
Upon this ground, we will stand firm and unwavering.  In the face of lies meant to divide us, demoralize us, and diminish us, we will show that the story of America unites us, inspires us, includes us all, and makes everyone free.
We must demand that our children are taught once again to see America as did Reverend Martin Luther King, when he said that the Founders had signed “a promissory note” to every future generation.  Dr. King saw that the mission of justice required us to fully embrace our founding ideals.  Those ideals are so important to us — the founding ideals.  He called on his fellow citizens not to rip down their heritage, but to live up to their heritage.  (Applause.)
Above all, our children, from every community, must be taught that to be American is to inherit the spirit of the most adventurous and confident people ever to walk the face of the Earth.
Americans are the people who pursued our Manifest Destiny across the ocean, into the uncharted wilderness, over the tallest mountains, and then into the skies and even into the stars.
We are the country of Andrew Jackson, Ulysses S. Grant, and Frederick Douglass.  We are the land of Wild Bill Hickock and Buffalo Bill Cody.  (Applause.)  We are the nation that gave rise to the Wright Brothers, the Tuskegee Airmen — (applause) — Harriet Tubman, Clara Barton, Jesse Owens, George Patton — General George Patton — the great Louie Armstrong, Alan Shepard, Elvis Presley, and Mohammad Ali.  (Applause.)  And only America could have produced them all.  (Applause.)  No other place.
We are the culture that put up the Hoover Dam, laid down the highways, and sculpted the skyline of Manhattan.  We are the people who dreamed a spectacular dream — it was called: Las Vegas, in the Nevada desert; who built up Miami from the Florida marsh; and who carved our heroes into the face of Mount Rushmore.  (Applause.)
Americans harnessed electricity, split the atom, and gave the world the telephone and the Internet.  We settled the Wild West, won two World Wars, landed American astronauts on the Moon — and one day very soon, we will plant our flag on Mars.
We gave the world the poetry of Walt Whitman, the stories of Mark Twain, the songs of Irving Berlin, the voice of Ella Fitzgerald, the style of Frank Sinatra — (applause) — the comedy of Bob Hope, the power of the Saturn V rocket, the toughness of the Ford F-150 — (applause) — and the awesome might of the American aircraft carriers.
Americans must never lose sight of this miraculous story.  You should never lose sight of it, because nobody has ever done it like we have done it.  So today, under the authority vested in me as President of the United States — (applause) — I am announcing the creation of a new monument to the giants of our past.  I am signing an executive order to establish the National Garden of American Heroes, a vast outdoor park that will feature the statues of the greatest Americans to ever live.  (Applause.)
From this night and from this magnificent place, let us go forward united in our purpose and re-dedicated in our resolve.  We will raise the next generation of American patriots.  We will write the next thrilling chapter of the American adventure.  And we will teach our children to know that they live in a land of legends, that nothing can stop them, and that no one can hold them down.  (Applause.)  They will know that in America, you can do anything, you can be anything, and together, we can achieve anything.  (Applause.)
Uplifted by the titans of Mount Rushmore, we will find unity that no one expected; we will make strides that no one thought possible.  This country will be everything that our citizens have hoped for, for so many years, and that our enemies fear — because we will never forget that American freedom exists for American greatness.  And that’s what we have:  American greatness.  (Applause.)
Centuries from now, our legacy will be the cities we built, the champions we forged, the good we did, and the monuments we created to inspire us all.
My fellow citizens: America’s destiny is in our sights.  America’s heroes are embedded in our hearts.  America’s future is in our hands.  And ladies and gentlemen: the best is yet to come.  (Applause.)
AUDIENCE:  USA!  USA!  USA!
THE PRESIDENT:  This has been a great honor for the First Lady and myself to be with you.  I love your state.  I love this country.  I’d like to wish everybody a very happy Fourth of July.  To all, God bless you, God bless your families, God bless our great military, and God bless America.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)
END               9:32 P.M. MDT

Sunday, July 5, 2020

Reading Orwell for the Fourth of July








This Fourth of July, it’s worth taking stock of the state of freedom — and of our attitudes toward it — at home and around the world.


In Russia, Vladimir Putin just won a “plebiscite” ratifying his right to stay in power until the year 2036. In Hong Kong, a new security law came into effect effectively putting an end to the right of peaceful protest. In Poland, a runoff election will decide if the country continues its slide toward illiberalism.

In the United States, these stories barely make a dent on public consciousness. Conservatives and liberals alike have ceased to care very much about the denial of freedom to others.

We also have our own problems with freedom.

For once, the main problem isn’t Donald Trump. The president may be an instinctual fascist, a wannabe autocrat. But, after nearly four years in power, he’s been unmasked as an incompetent one.

Trump may have privately praised Xi Jinping for building concentration camps for Uighurs. Congress still passed legislation to impose sanctions on China for them. He may want to bring Russia back to the G7. The other six won’t let him. He may have sought to abolish DACA for the Dreamers. John Roberts decided otherwise. He may call the press an “enemy of the American people.” That enemy still operates without restraint when it comes to slamming him.

To adapt the Lloyd Bentsen line, Donald John Trump, you’re no Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
The more serious problem today comes from the left: from liberal elites who, when tested, lack the courage of their liberal convictions; from so-called progressives whose core convictions were never liberal to begin with; from administrative types at nonprofits and corporations who, with only vague convictions of their own, don’t want to be on the wrong side of a P.R. headache.

This has been the great cultural story of the last few years. It is typified by incidents such as The New Yorker’s David Remnick thinking it would be a good idea to interview Steve Bannon for the magazine’s annual festival — until a Twitter mob and some members of his own staff decided otherwise. Or by The Washington Post devoting 3,000 words to destroying the life of a private person of no particular note because in 2018 she wore blackface, with ironic intent, at a Halloween party. Or by big corporations pulling ads from Facebook while demanding the company do more to censor forms of speech they deem impermissible.

These stories matter because an idea is at risk. That’s the idea that people who cannot speak freely will not be able to think clearly, and that no society can long flourish when contrarians are treated as heretics.

That idea, old as Socrates, formerly had powerful institutional defenders, especially in the form of universities, news media, book publishers, free-speech groups and major philanthropies.

But those defenders are, on account of one excuse or another, capitulating to people who claim free speech for themselves (but not for others), who believe all the old patriarchal hierarchies must go (so that new “intersectional” hierarchies may arise), who are in a perpetual fervor to rewrite the past (all the better to control the future), and who demand cringing public apologies from those who have sinned against an ever-more radical ideological standard (while those apologies won’t save them from being fired).

As in so much else, George Orwell was here before us. In connection to the recent vandalism of monuments and destruction of statues, a line from “1984” has been making the rounds — “every book has been rewritten, every picture has been repainted, every statue and street and building has been renamed, every date has been altered.” But the Orwell essay to which I keep returning is a little jewel from 1946, “The Prevention of Literature.”

Orwell’s concern then was not just with Russian totalitarianism, but with the arguments used by much of the Western intelligentsia to justify repression.

“What is sinister,” he wrote, “is that the conscious enemies of liberty are those to whom liberty ought to mean most.” He was particularly calling out Western scientists who admired the Soviet Union for its technical prowess and were utterly indifferent to Stalin’s persecution of writers and artists. “They do not see that any attack on intellectual liberty, and on the concept of objective truth, threatens in the long run every department of thought.”

Every department of thought. Right now, all the Twitter furors, the angry rows over publication decisions, the canceled speeches and books, the semantic battles about which words take an uppercase and which don’t, may seem remote to those who care about more tangible issues: depression, disease, police abuse, urban decline. Yet the issue that counts the most is whether the institutions that are supposed to champion liberal ideals will muster the moral confidence to survive. On this July 4, it’s very much in doubt.


Saturday, July 4, 2020

Marc Lipsitch, July 1: We’re doing a sufficiently bad job of dealing with the strain that we have now



Transcript:
MODERATOR: Dr. Lipsitch, do you have any opening comments?
MARC LIPSITCH: Sure. Thanks, everyone, for joining. I look forward to talking about whatever is on people’s minds. I think there’s a fair amount of news today. Everyone’s aware Tony Fauci described the possibility of a hundred thousand new cases per day as a potential future for our country. And I’m afraid that seems reasonably likely to me on current trajectories. Also this morning, a group of institutions, including the Rockefeller Foundation and the Safra Center at Harvard and Harvard Global Health Institute and others, released what I think is a very useful set of guidelines for cities and other jurisdictions to understand what’s needed for control and for contact tracing and other aspects of control.
I’ve put the link in the chat.
I have perhaps a slightly different and less-optimistic perspective about contact tracing than that report. But on the other hand, if you read that report carefully, it suggests that the intensity and success of the metrics that the effort would need to meet are rather stringent. And so if indeed a contact tracing effort could meet those those metrics, then I think it would really be quite different from what’s seemed possible so far in the United States. So, happy to talk about that further. And then another topic that I would be happy to discuss, I thinkthis question of how vaccines are going to be distributed if and when they’re available around the world is one that has been worrying me. And I don’t have a lot of solutions, but I think that’s a topic that probably needs more coverage.
So, I’ll stop with those very general comments and start taking questions.
MODERATOR: Thank you, Dr. Lipsitch. All right. First question.
Q: Hi, thanks for doing this. With the Fourth of July this weekend, I just wanted to ask, are you concerned that we will see a surge in cases linked to the holiday, like we saw after Memorial Day weekend?
MARC LIPSITCH:  I think it’s possible. I think as with any single point in time, it’s difficult to attribute a surge to one activity. And I imagine that a lot of the activities over the holiday will be out of doors, which, as we’re increasingly beginning to find, is a safer place to do almost everything.
But, yes, I think I think there’s both a continuing trend of reopening, although being tempered in a few places, and that the holiday itself will bring more people together and probably add to transmission, particularly given that we have really active epidemics going on in so many states.
MODERATOR: Next question.
Q: Hello, Doctor. My question is regarding the virus mutation possibility in the winter and whether we may have a new strain more deadly in the coming few months.
MARC LIPSITCH: Sure. So I think we have to make some distinctions here. And I’d refer you to a blog post that my colleagues at the Center for Communicable Disease Dynamics put up. I’ll try to put that in the chat if I can, after I finish answering about mutation and what it means. So the virus is mutating. All viruses, and especially RNA viruses, mutate.
That means genetic change, but it doesn’t necessarily mean a change in its properties biologically. So we can observe it, but it doesn’t necessarily mean something good or bad for us. There is always the possibility of a virus having a mutation that changes its biological properties. And then whether that becomes more common or just becomes a dead end and that strain tends to not take off, that depends on whether it gets into a population that’s doing a lot of transmitting. So it depends on the luck of that strain. And it also depends on the fitness of that strain, meaning whether that change is making it transmit more effectively and more efficiently. And people sometimes equate being more deadly with being more transmissible, but that’s not always true. It can be true, but it can be the opposite or it can be unrelated. So I think we have a big problem now.
We need to be monitoring and considering plans for a worse strain. But I think at least in many parts of the world, we’re doing a sufficiently bad job of dealing with the strain that we have now that that our focus should be on that at the moment. Sometimes people draw parallels to the 1918 influenza, which was milder in the first wave in the spring of 1918 and seemed to be more deadly in the fall and winter. Whether that was a change in the virus or whether that was a change in the populations it was infecting or other things that were happening, like other secondary infections, nobody has really nailed down. And that’s one of the great mysteries of epidemiology history that we would all like to solve someday. But that precedent is in people’s minds, it’s an important thing to keep in mind, but I think at the moment, we have a really big problem, and we need to deal with that problem.
And the expression “dead viruses don’t mutate” is an important one. The less virus we have in the world, the fewer cases we have, the better the chance that it stays similar to what it was, rather than getting more severe. So, controlling this virus is really where our priorities should be.
Q: Is there a certain mechanism or protocol we can expect in distributing the vaccine and who can get it first, as it’s the main issue in the world now?
MARC LIPSITCH: Sorry. I’m not sure what’s the question.
Q:Yeah. I’m talking about if there is any mechanism or protocol we can expect in distributing any prospect or vaccine, and who can get it first?
MARC LIPSITCH: Yeah. So I think there is very hard work going on with the coalition of the World Health Organization and GAVI, the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations, and CEPI, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations.
The three of them are working very hard together to design mechanisms by which vaccines would be available in a fair and equitable way across the world. Counter to that, I fear, is that individual governments are worrying about or are trying to find ways that they can increase their own access at the expense of the world.
And I think this is potentially a major source of geopolitical tension, if, in fact, there is a vaccine that is available in limited supply and the powerful countries and or the countries that develop it find ways to sequester much of that supply. So I think that’s an issue that’s not receiving enough attention. I don’t know that there is a clear solution.
But we need to be at least aware of it and try to find ways to address it, because I don’t think it’s being fully addressed at the moment.
MODERATOR:Thank you. Next question.
Q:Thanks, Professor, for taking the time. So Dr. Fauci said there’ll be a hundred thousand cases a day, potentially. What will America be…
MARC LIPSITCH: Sorry, you faded out.
Q: When that happens, will there be overloaded hospitals, people dying, and will that overload our health system and create a [inaudible] scenario? Could you hear that?
MARC LIPSITCH: Sort of. But since you e-mailed me earlier, I know you know roughly what you’re asking.Yeah.
So I think that the most likely scenario for that is that it will be quite variable regionally and that we won’t necessarily see every place struggling, but we will see some places struggling.
And that would, and it seems most likely to me that there will be parts of the country where the health care system will be overwhelmed with that kind of level, certainly. You know, if parts of Texas went to two and a half times their current caseload, that would be disastrous, because the current is about forty thousand cases a day, I think, in the US.
So there will be some places that will really struggle. And my guess is that those will be different from the ones that struggled the first time because people seem to learn lessons very locally.
And I think at least some of the jurisdictions that were hardest hit in the first round are being much more cautious at this point. But that would, I think, lead to widespread school closures, if they’ve been open. I think it would it would be a more generalized version of what New York City was experiencing a few months ago.
MODERATOR: Do you have a follow up?
Q: Just, when you say a more generalized experience, do you mean, you know, a wider spread, a bigger scale disaster than New York?
MARC LIPSITCH: I mean, geographically more widespread.
Q:Thank you very much.
MARC LIPSITCH: I put in the chat the link to the blog post on mutation from our center, and also before that I put an op-ed that I thought was really well written by Helen Jenkins from Boston University and Bill Hanage from our center. They are married to each other. And there was in the Washington Post this morning about the sort of tradeoffs around if we want to reopen schools, what needs to be done in the meanwhile.
MODERATOR: Thank you. Next question.
Q: Thank you, Dr. Lipsitch. I have a question. I have two questions, actually. If we look at the statistics, the numbers of cases in some places are going up and at the same time, the deaths numbers are going down. So what can that mean? Can that mean that the virus is getting weaker or it’s just, I don’t know. Can you explain why is that?
MARC LIPSITCH: Yeah, thanks for that question. I think there’s really no evidence that the that the virus itself is changing in a biologically meaningful way. There have been some false alarms about that. It’s not that it’s impossible. We still need to monitor for that. But the evidence of that is, in my opinion, so far non-existent. We’ve understood for a while that deaths are a trailing indicator of cases. And that’s because it takes a long time for people to die relative to when they got infected.
And if you look at states like Georgia or Texas, the big increases in cases started about two weeks ago. And the sort of rule of thumb for cases to deaths is probably three weeks, depending on how long it takes to confirm cases. So it’s maybe three to four weeks from infection to death among those who die, and confirmation of the case is somewhere along that trajectory. So if that’s the case, then we would expect to see increases starting in about a week or so.
But I think the other thing to say is that this is such a localized epidemic that when you have different curves on top of each other and we just add them together, you can get periods where curves are out of sync. So if deaths still haven’t increased in a couple of weeks, then we will really have to try to understand what’s going on. But I think at least for some of the main states that are really going up fast in terms of cases, it’s a bit early. The other thing to say is it it may well be, and I don’t have any data—this would be a useful thing to try to work out—it may well be that as health care professionals are learning how to treat this illness better, that a smaller proportion are dying. I haven’t seen the evidence of that. But I think that’s a serious hypothesis that needs to be tested.
Q: And another question is about Dr. Fauci’s testimony in the Congress. So what could be the outcome of that testimony, because he did mention the possibility or necessity of a second lockdown. Do you see that in the future in America?
MARC LIPSITCH: I think I think it at the rate things are going, it’s going to be necessary in some places.
I hope not in all places. And I think it is gratifying to live in a state that seems to be both doing things very carefully and slowly to reopen and seems to be doing so successfully in terms of our case numbers and death numbers. So I hope that, for example, Massachusetts is not a place where that will happen. But I think when a city or a state experiences a really intense surge, unfortunately, it may take that before controls are reimposed. It would be much more efficient to reimpose those controls.
Perhaps not as intensely right now, but that’s not happening on a large scale.
Q: I’m going to ask one more question about just America is leading in the cases comparing to other countries. I know that, you know, Russia is probably not giving all the information like China. But why do you think America is the largest economy, one of the best medicine in the world, but still, we’re seeing more cases here. 
MARC LIPSITCH: Dr. Michael Ryan from the World Health Organization stated this morning—I think it was this morning in a virtual meeting that I read about on Twitter, at least in the last 24 hours—he stated that countries with strong federal governments or national governments that—let me see if I can get his quote correct.
Something about that, let’s see, countries with governments that communicate complex science directly to the public and use science as the basic control have had much better success in fighting COVID-19.
And I think you can see that borne out both in the comparison of the U.S. as a whole to many other countries, like most of East Asia and most of Europe, that at the federal, national level we have been obfuscating the problem, we obfuscated the problem for a long time. We’ve had inconsistent messaging and sidelining of the scientific parts of the federal government in favor of the politicians speaking non-science and often incorrect information. And I think we’re seeing that, and I think also that within-country comparisons in the U.S. show that the states that have taken this seriously and followed the science while trying to protect the economy—following the science doesn’t mean lock it down and never let up—following the science means communicating clearly and doing those things which are scientifically believed or known to be effective. Those states are doing, on the whole, much better than states that are following the national lead.
Q:Thank you so much. 
MODERATOR: Next question.
Q: I was just interested to hear what your concerns are about distribution. If it was what you just said earlier about equity, or if you have others as well.
MARC LIPSITCH: Yeah, I think there’s a real concern about equity and that in addition, it will further fray international relations, which are already, in many cases, quite frayed, if even among countries that are, you know, where there’s not an equity issue, if certain countries try to sequester vaccine doses for their populations. Solutions to that include internationalizing production capacity, and I know that’s one of the strategies that’s being pursued, so that the vaccines are not physically all in one country. This assumes that there’s at least one vaccine, and ideally many vaccines, that are effective. So I think that’s one approach. I think another approach is trying to get countries to buy into a plan before anyone knows which vaccines are effective, so that we’re not, so that in the same way that you buy insurance before you know whether your house has burned down, you buy into a plan for distribution before you know whether you have all the chips or you don’t have all the chips. I think that’s another part of it.
And this is not really my area of expertise, but it’s an area where I’m really concerned because I think vaccines will be a very valuable commodity.
Q:And do you think that, could you play out a little bit what the consequences would be if one country does end up with a lion’s share of vaccines?
MARC LIPSITCH: I mean, again, I think it’s not my area of expertise. I really was suggesting to get it on your collective radar screens rather than that I have tremendous insight into the details. But I think there’s a lot of opportunity for mischief.
MODERATOR: Thank you. Next question.
Q: Hi, thanks for doing this. I wanted to follow up on schools. I saw the op-ed you mentioned as well. But I guess, you know, a lot of people are saying, well, schools depend on how bad the virus is in that area. I wonder if you could expand on that. Like, how do you have, say, a medium amount of virus circulating in that area? I mean, should you still have in-person schools, you know, or how bad does the outbreak need to be in an area that we would not want to have in-person schools?
MARC LIPSITCH: I think that’s a good question. Clearly, if the rest of the economy is shut down because of stay-at-home orders, then schools probably should follow that. I think there’s enormous value—and the American Academy of Pediatrics has written about this— there’s enormous amount of value to having schools open, not only for education, but also for medical care, speech and occupational therapy, food distribution. I mean, they really are—unfortunately, what’s left of our social safety net, much of it is tied to schools now. And having them closed is not something anybody should be in favor of.
I think every state is trying to figure out the plans for how to respond to, or how to deal with schools. I think most states are planning to reopen, as best I understand, in August or September, when their normal calendar is. And I think my guess is that there will be a lot of experience, a lot of lessons learned in the first few weeks of that.
I think we still don’t have a large scale sense of what role schools will play in transmission and that we can make rules or principles now. But I think we will end up changing them once we see a little bit what role schools are playing. And I know states, including Massachusetts, are very rapidly trying to develop guidance, but I don’t have a good answer for you right now. I agree very much with general view of the op-ed that my colleagues wrote that schools will be more sustainable in an environment of more limited transmission. And exactly where the cutoff is I can’t tell you at this point.
Q: Got it. Thanks, that helps. That’s good. 
MODERATOR: Right, next question. Can you go through the measures that you think the federal government should take now to reverse the current trend?
MARC LIPSITCH: I think that it’s hard to know where to start. In terms of strategy and message, I think that the CDC and the other public health experts within the government need to be on the front lines, talking to the country every day and talking science and what we know and what we don’t, the way they did in 2009 during the flu pandemic, and that people without scientific qualifications obviously have decision-making authority and have lots of role in this, but do not need to be stealing the show in terms of public communication.
So I think that’s the first thing. I think the second thing is that that needs to be sort of unmuzzled. I was delighted to see Anne Schuchat’s name in the news for the first time in a month or so, who was who was the voice of CDC in 2009 for much of the flu pandemic and has been quite absent. So I think maybe there’s some loosening there, I don’t know. In terms of more concrete measures, I think real, consistent messaging about the importance of masks and encouragement of requirements for masks in those places where they aren’t required at the moment.
I think support for really larger, even larger scale testing in order to try to reopen schools. I think that will be an important piece of the reopening. And still the federal role has been a mixed one at best in terms of availability of testing. And I think, also, more federal leadership on all the issues around making it possible for people to survive economically as we have more economic disruptions. And that includes proper policies to let people stay home from work if they’re sick and not suffer economically, which I think is still at best a patchwork in this country, and other economic measures that can be taken.
And then, well, so I think those would be good starting points, and many things will follow from that, from having the public health authorities in a position of leadership.
MODERATOR: Thank you. Next question.
Q: Great. Thank you so much for doing this. I wanted to go back to the messaging point you were discussing earlier and ask what you think specifically the federal government needs to do to sort of help us dig out of the hole we’re in in the Southeast and the Southwest. What should they be saying at this point? What are the crucial messages?
MARC LIPSITCH:I think it’s a lot of what I just said, but also I mean, I think in at least the Southeast, which I’ve been watching a little bit more because I used to live there, the reopening has been rapid and really not very tied to positive, beneficial trends in the epidemic or tied to sort of economic necessity. And so I think the federal government needs to make it clear that if cases get above a certain level, and if the trend is negative, then it’s harmful, you know, is positive in cases, that further retreats from the opening and moving back towards being closed down are going to have to happen. And if the federal government isn’t saying that, and they quite distinctly never said how you would retreat from the reopening, they only suggested a plan for reopening. If the federal government isn’t pushing that, then the people who are politically allied with our president, like the governor of Georgia and the governor of Texas, are going to be even more inclined to just keep the trajectory of reopening. So I think if the federal government isn’t saying clearly we have a common interest in keeping this virus under control, which will help our economy and will help our health and will get us to a point where we can function again, then we can’t expect states—we can hope, but we can’t empirically, we can’t expect states to behave in that way. So we just need federal leadership of the sort that we’re having from states like New York and Massachusetts to say we’re taking this seriously and we’re reopening only when we see continuing beneficial trends.
Q: You mentioned how important it was to put people with scientific qualifications at the forefront of the messaging. Given what we know and how we’ve seen the politicization of things like even masks, does the CDC or Schuchat or Fauci screaming from the rooftops matter if the president every now and then tweets something different?
MARC LIPSITCH:  I think if the, I mean, I’m encouraged to see that, for example, Republican senators are now sort of falling in line with the notion of masks and helping to depoliticize that. That’s one of the nicest developments I’ve seen in a while.
I think the president has a unique ability to derail good policy in this country—this president—and you’re right, it could be that that won’t preclude scientific leadership from getting its message through. But at the moment, we don’t know, because they’ve been so sidelined and so absent from the public discussion and so much overshadowed by the president and the vice president dominating the media on this topic. So I think we’ve got to give it a try. And yes, it won’t be as good as if there was presidential support, but it would be better than not having a message out there at all.
Q: Thank you.
MODERATOR: Next question.
Q: Thanks very much for your time. My question is about containment. I’m starting to hear some communities say that they’ve contained the virus. So is there a standard definition of what containment means? Is it positive case rate, or transmission rate, something else? 
MARC LIPSITCH: I don’t think there is a standard definition. Which communities are you referring to?
Q: Central Falls, Rhode Island, a couple of real hotspots where they were very densely packed, minority, predominant communities. That would be one of them. And then there are a few in Massachusetts that are making that claim as well. 
MARC LIPSITCH: Yeah. I don’t think there’s a technical definition of containment. Yeah. And I guess I’d have to see what they’re referring to understand it better. I hadn’t heard that description.
Q: Well, you hear a lot of politicians and such say, you know, we’re trying to contain the virus. How will we know when that’s the case?
MARC LIPSITCH: Right. Well, I think the broad goal is to bring the daily number of new cases, of true new cases, which we get some picture of from the number of detected new cases on a downward trajectory,  and in particular on the downward trajectory to a point where the medical care system is is very much able to deal with them, and the public health system is able to make a significant impact through contact tracing on further reducing those numbers. And I think that one of the merits of the of the new—it’s not totally new, but the newly consensus—recommendations from Safra Center and Harvard Global Health Institute and Rockefeller and others is that they put numbers to that. So they say sort of green zone of things are OK. It is less than one detected case per hundred thousand people per day, which is something I think—I haven’t checked—but I think there’s probably no state that’s at that point. Massachusetts is around two. We have, I think we had a hundred and fourteen cases, if I’m not mistaken, yesterday, in a population of seven million. So it’s about one and a half, almost two per hundred thousand. So that’s not far. But it’s a little bit above. Much of Europe didn’t even begin reopening until they were under two per hundred thousand. And much of and, you know, Korea began reopening when it was at about one per million or one tenth per hundred thousand.
So it’s a bit arbitrary. But I think one per hundred thousand per day is a kind of reasonable estimate of what real containment means.
Q:Thank you very much.
MODERATOR:Next question.
Q: Good morning. I want to shift gears a little bit, if you don’t mind. There’s been some research suggesting aerosols disperse and present less risk outdoors than indoors. But it doesn’t seem like there’s a lot of research specifically on that. It makes obvious sense, but on a, let’s say, a calm, windless day is outdoors spread risk really that much different from indoor, if you assume equal physical distancing and other factors?
MARC LIPSITCH: It’s a good question. I think, I mean, the volume—I don’t know enough physics of outdoor air mixing to give you a good answer, but my feeling is that even though the movement of air may not be so great, the volume of air that you have to disperse into is much greater than in an enclosed room. So I think I think that’s likely to be the case, but it’s the limit of my knowledge.
Q: Quick follow-up, if you don’t mind. Would you would you join friends for dinner at a table outside in a restaurant, if all the other tables are six feet apart?
MARC LIPSITCH: Yes, I have, actually. Once. I don’t think that’s a riskless activity for, you know, for various reasons. But the waitstaff were masked. We were masked when we weren’t eating. And it was out of doors. And in fact, it was with family, and one friend that’s almost family. So, yes, I think at this stage in Massachusetts—this was in western Massachusetts, where there are very, very few cases—that seems completely reasonable to me. If I were in Houston, Texas, I might not.
Q: You answered my last question. Thank you.
MODERATOR: Next question.
Q: Hi, Professor Lipsitch, thank you for the time. Thank you for this interview. I’d like to to ask you: What we are now seeing in the United States, is it actually a second wave erupting in the world from in the summer from the United States, and we might see this spreading across the globe? And also, we learned the other day about the new swine flu in China. Do you worry it might combine with COVID in the next months? 
MARC LIPSITCH: I think that there’s always that worry. I mean, there’s always a worry that something more could go wrong. And as I said, with mutation, I sort of think worrying right now, obviously, there needs to be effort to understand and contain that virus if possible. My understanding is so far it has not made very many people sick. So that that’s somewhat encouraging, although not the total answer. But as I said before, with the question of mutation, I think we have a big problem on our hands, and we should focus our resources on solving that problem, while not ignoring the other ones. In terms of what the U.S. is sharing with the rest of the world, my sense is that travel has been reduced so much from the U.S., especially now with new regulations from the E.U. that the U.S. as a source is not going to be that significant to the rest of the world. But we will we will have to see.
Q: So as the virus seems to be persistent, does this imply that borders will remain indefinitely closed and travel restricted for a long time?
MARC LIPSITCH: Well, I think we’re sort of seeing this weakest-link phenomenon that the places that have the virus under control are having to close their borders to the places that don’t. I think, I mean, again, I’m not a political scientist or an international relations expert, but I do think there’s a chance that we will see, sort of, as we’re seeing both at the between-countries level and between-states level, we’re beginning to see sort of groups of countries that say, you know, we all trust each other, but we don’t trust certain other countries to keep the virus under control. And so I think there will be regional coalitions of places that restrict travel from outside that region and permit it within the region. I think that may be sort of beginning to happen in the northeastern United States. At least I’ve seen press reports suggesting that. So it’s a very weird situation with so much geographic heterogeneity.
Q: Right. But you hesitate state to call it a second wave.
MARC LIPSITCH: Yeah, I mean, I think, as I’ve said to others, I think wave is a term that we used a lot during the first wave, or that we used a lot in the past. I’ve tried recently to move away from it, because I think wave gives this impression that it goes up and then it comes down if you do nothing. And that’s not really what happens with viruses, unless you wait long enough so that herd immunity at a high level starts to kick in and then it brings it down. But we’re not near there. So these waves, so-called waves, are not really waves. They’re sort of outbreaks that get quashed or don’t get quashed. And so I think I’m going to try not to use the term wave, but I think a second set of outbreaks in Europe and in other parts of the world, seeded by imports from the U.S. and from Brazil and from other hot spots, is certainly possible. But again, it depends on the amount of control. And the other thing about waves, is it’s, you know, once they start, they’re hard to stop the increasing part. But in fact, we can stop, countries can stop the increase by making sure that the imports are few and that those that are imported are caught quickly.
Q: Right. Thank you, Professor Lipsitch, thank you very much.
MARC LIPSITCH: Sure.
MODERATOR: Next question.
Q: Thank you for taking the question. I’d love to circle back to masks, if you don’t mind. I feel like the plea from public health officials has really increased in the last week or two on the importance of wearing a mask right up there with social distancing and handwashing. So I’m curious, is there anything we’ve learned that’s new when it comes to the effectiveness of face coverings, especially, you know, when worn collectively as a community, what they can really do here?
MARC LIPSITCH: I think there have been some papers suggesting sort of quantitative estimates.I think I’m not aware—you know, it’s a classic problem of you do six interventions at once to varying degrees and try to estimate which ones are important.
And I’m not, I’m sort of one of those people who tends to not put a lot of faith in the precise quantitative estimates, especially at the population level. But to say that it’s a low cost and likely effective approach to reducing transmission. But I haven’t put a lot of stock in the specific estimates the people have put out. So I guess I’ll leave it there.
MODERATOR: Next question. Please go ahead.
Q: So I have a question about how childhood vaccine rates in the country have gone down due to fears of parents bringing in their children to the doctors offices because of coronavirus. I’m wondering if you have any thoughts about this, or what you think about the impact could be? 
MARC LIPSITCH: Yeah, I think, I haven’t seen the data, but I’ve heard the general issue raised. I think it, like any other cause of lower vaccination rates, it primes us for outbreaks of the vaccine-preventable diseases. And I think it is a concern. I think primary care physicians and practices need to find some ways to make sure that vaccination coverage is maintained, and if they can’t do it, then public health departments. Certainly during the period of nice weather, you could imagine an outdoor vaccination clinic that was one option. But I haven’t seen what the innovations in that space have been. It just seems like a real need.
Q: Thank you.
MODERATOR: Next question.
Q: Hi. Thanks so much for doing this, Professor Lipsitch. So Governor Ron DeSantis in Florida has largely attributed the growing case numbers here to social behavior on the part of young people. He’s argued while it’s bad that young people are getting infected, it would be worse if the most vulnerable Floridians were to contract the disease, like people staying in long-term-care facilities. So in your view, to what extent is attributing that spread to younger people and arguing that those people are less likely to get the symptoms a sustainable virus-containment approach?
MARC LIPSITCH: I think it’s clear that when it spreads in one group, it spreads in many groups. I mean, even in places that were really trying to reduce spread in all groups, like New York City at the height of its epidemic, once it got into, it very effectively got into long-term-care facilities. And Massachusetts had a similar experience. Not as bad as New York, I think.
So, I mean, on one hand, it just doesn’t make sense to say we’ll just keep it out of the nursing homes, because even with more limited transmission in the rest of the population, that doesn’t seem to happen. On the other hand, that presents a real dilemma, because we haven’t found a really good way to protect the elderly, and especially the institutionalized elderly. Even when  measures outside those contexts are in place. So I think it identifies a really important priority. But I don’t think that we can just say we’ll let it spread in the younger people and hope that we can keep the nursing homes safe, because that has not worked so far.
Q: And then a follow-up, what do you make of the argument that social behavior has more to do with the spread of the virus than business reopenings? Have you parsed the data on that? Like as far as cell phone usage that tracks how far people have gone outside their homes? Is there a link between the reopening and the resurgence of these cases in the South and particularly in Florida, in your eyes? 
MARC LIPSITCH:  I have not tried to separate those out. Next time my colleague Caroline Buckee is on one of these calls, you should ask her, because it’s an area that she works more closely in. But I think the age association makes that more plausible. But of course, those same people also have jobs and go to businesses as consumers. So I think the age by itself doesn’t prove it, but is consistent with it.
MODERATOR: Next question.
Q: Thank you. I just had a question about your general thoughts on how the vaccine process is going so far. So are there particular candidates that you’ve seen preliminary data on that make you particularly hopeful? Or what does the data look to you: is something that looks promising or not? What are the concerns that you have? And then sort of in general the safety issue at the end of the process. Are we still going to know how safe it is in terms of giving it to large numbers of people?
MARC LIPSITCH: Yeah. So I think the first thing is, I don’t have privileged access to data from trials that haven’t reported. But I think this morning, I think it was this morning, the FDA released its guidance for clinical trials of these vaccines, which I thought was, on fairly quick read, very sensible and addressed many of the concerns—addressed, but didn’t solve, many of the concerns that people have had. One of those concerns is whether the vaccines are protective, are going to contribute to herd immunity by protecting people against infection, or whether they will simply reduce disease in those who become infected. And there was a call for at least a secondary outcome in trials to test whether that’s the case. The main concerns that I have about the development process, separate beyond the issues of distribution between countries that I mentioned earlier, is first that trying to get that evidence about the effect on herd immunity and infection is really important but challenging to do in a trial. So I think we need to focus efforts on figuring out how that’s going to be done, particularly in light of the animal data, limited animal data from from the Oxford vaccine, that suggests that the effect was mainly on symptoms. I’m not sure that will be true in people. But it’s a it’s a live question and an important question to figure out. Another piece that was mentioned in the FDA guidance was the need for at least what they called adequate numbers of elderly in the in the clinical trials. Certainly, historically, many vaccines, and in particular flu vaccines, have been less immunogenic and less effective in the elderly than in the rest of the population. And because the elderly are the most affected by this virus in terms of the consequences, that obviously makes a huge difference as to how good a vaccine will be in terms of its impact on public health is whether it really works in the elderly, at least to protect them against disease.
In terms of safety, I think this vaccine will be like other vaccines that in the initial safety trials we’ll know about the possibility of events that happen in one in 10 or one in 100 people. And then after the phase three trials, if there are phase three trials done, we’ll know about the events, about safety issues that affect one in a thousand or one in 10000 people, sort of depending on the size of the trial. And so for something that’s as severe and threatening to the population as this virus, that’s a good margin of safety. Of course, we can’t know until… The rule of thumb is what’s known as the rule of three, that if you give a vaccine to X number of people and you don’t get an adverse event of a certain type, then that means that the frequency is very likely to be well below three, divided by X. So if you give it to three thousand people, then you’re pretty sure that it doesn’t happen, then you’re pretty sure that the frequency is less than one in a thousand.
So when we give it to three million people, then we’ll be able to know about events that are as rare as one in a million and so on. So, you know, I think by the time there’s been a phase three trial, if the safety looks good there, then that’s very encouraging, but it doesn’t, it can’t exclude extremely rare events. But that’s true of every vaccine.
This concludes the July 1st press conference.